Understanding suicide

A Sociological Autopsy

Dados Bibliográficos

ID7394293
AutoresStephen Platt (0000-0001-8433-1509, University of Edinburgh, autor correspondente)
Ano2012
Volume34
Fascículo7
Páginas1122-1123
Data de publicação2012-08-06
Peer ReviewedSim
Open AccessSim
TipoARTICLE
PeriódicoSociology of Health & Illness (JOURNAL)
Identificadores do periódicoISSN: 0141-9889 • E-ISSN: 1467-9566
EditoraWiley (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1111/j.1467-9566.2012.01509.x
OpenAlexW1557753187
IdiomaEN
Citações recebidas6

Fincham, B., Langer, S., Scourfield, J. and Shiner, M. Understanding suicide: a sociological autopsy . Basingstoke/New York : Palgrave Macmillan , 2011 , £55.00 (hbk ) vii + 203 pp. ISBN 978-0-230-58092-3 . The ‘bold aim’ of this book is ‘to make a new contribution to [the] classic sociological debate [on suicide]’ (p.1). The authors start by rejecting the dichotomies and oppositions that have undermined the development of a unified understanding of suicide, including ‘subjectivism and objectivism, social structure and human agency, quantitative and qualitative methods’ (p.31), arguing (convincingly) that these are ‘more apparent than real, resting on artificial divisions and posing “pseudo problems” ’ (p.36). They propose an innovative approach to suicide research (‘sociological autopsy’) which is intended to retain the emphasis found in more traditional psychologically and psychiatrically oriented studies on individual cases (‘psychological autopsy’), while highlighting ‘the sociological value of qualitatively-driven mixed methods research ... for generating insights into the [wider] social [and cultural] context in which they occur’ (p.45). The sample for the empirical study that forms the heart of the book comprises 100 officially recorded cases of suicide from a single coroner’s office over the period 2002-05. All the diverse data on which the authors relied, including suicide notes, police statements from relatives, friends and eye witnesses, forensic pathology reports, and psychiatric/psychological reports), were contained within the coroner’s files. Consistent with their rejection of the ‘paradigm wars’, the authors embrace an ‘epistemologically pragmatic position’ (p.52), maintaining that the evidence on which they relied, although ‘produced under specific conditions ... aims to establish something about an externally verifiable social world’ (pp.52-3). Throughout the book they demonstrate their commitment to a ‘critical stance on the available sources’ (p.59). The book’s empirical exploration covers several substantive themes, including the gendered character of suicide, suicide across the lifecourse and the importance of (ruptured or absent) intimate relationships. Chapter 4 is concerned with the extension of relationships into documents and the constitution of personhood and identity in life and, less obviously, in death. The inquest is presented as a moral and paradoxical process in which all actors – deceased, significant others and professionals – seek both to demonstrate their agency (even ‘from beyond the grave’ via the suicide note) and to deny that agency by claiming lack of responsibility or control for what happened. Chapter 5 explores suicide notes (found in nearly half the sample) as social documents. The authors make a compelling (and novel) case for the essentially affiliative purpose of such documents. In a passage of exemplary clarity and concision, they write: ‘[S]uicide notes create, repair and extend social relationships between people, across time, and between life and death’ (p.94). Chapter 6 introduces the concept of ‘repertoires of action’, which promotes a contextualised and subjectivist understanding of causation. To understand why suicide becomes one of a range of possible behavioural options it is necessary to examine the immediate circumstances of the deceased, the experiences which led them to be in these circumstances, and to relate these elements to their personal values and beliefs which might support suicidal action. ‘The assessment of reasonable behaviour that arises from these ... elements creates a repertoire of action’ (p.112). Based on an extended analysis of four case studies, the authors highlight the importance of ‘social relationships and the affective dimension’ in the circumstances surrounding suicide and of understanding ‘how relationships are viewed or experienced by people’ (p.131). The final substantive chapter (7) presents findings from a descriptive quantitative analysis which builds on ample previous research evidence about the relationship between ruptured social relationships, lack of involvement in social institutions and increased suicide risk by highlighting the way in which these factors vary across the lifecourse. Drawing creatively on criminological theory, attachment theory and psychoanalysis, the authors identify three ‘distinct aetiological structures [related to increased suicide risk]’ (p.153) associated with different lifecourse stages: young people in crisis; mid-life gendered patterns of work and family; and older people in decline. The ruptured or absent social bond is relevant to each of these structures by amplifying conditions of egoism and anomie. The final chapter (8) outlines the book’s contribution to suicide studies, acknowledges methodological limitations, casts a critical eye on national approaches to suicide prevention (especially the National Suicide Prevention Strategy for England), and concludes by providing examples of the possible contribution of the sociological autopsy approach to improving suicide prevention policy and practice. Have the authors succeeded in achieving their ‘bold aim’? In my view, the answer is a resounding ‘yes’! Their work exemplifies the potential of ‘dual paradigm’ research, both epistemologically and methodologically. They have provided convincing evidence of the value of a contextualised, situated, individual-level (case-based) approach to understanding suicide. They offer rich insights into the construction of evidence about suicide and the genesis of suicidal behaviour. In addition to the limitations identified by the authors (exclusive reliance on coroners’ files, absence of control group and unavailability of data at the ecological level), it is of course possible to make some quibbles. In an otherwise well written and highly readable book, it is unfortunate that most uses of ‘complimentary’ are incorrect (‘complementary’ was intended) and that suicide is said to be ‘committed’ (implying a criminal offence, which it has not been for over 50 years and likely to cause offence to suicide ‘survivors’.) The conceptualisation of the ‘experience’ element of the ‘repertoire of action’ might be broadened to incorporate a sub-cultural dimension, highlighting the potential influence on individual behaviour of highly prevalent suicidal or suicide-like behaviours in the local socio-cultural context. And the section on examples from sociological autopsy study would benefit from further development to have greater impact on policy and practice. Overall, however, this is a welcome and important addition to the sociological literature on suicide and deserves a wide readership, outside as well as within the discipline

Agency (philosophy · Anomie · Conceptualization · Context (archaeology · Coroner · Criminology · Medical emergency · Objectivism · Poison control · Psychoanalysis · Social science · Sociological theory · Sociology · Suicide prevention · Anthropology · Crime, Deviance, and Social Control · Grief, Bereavement, and Mental Health · History · Law · Medicine · Mental Health and Patient Involvement · Psychology