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The Variation of Classical Greek Wishes

A Functional Discourse Grammar and Common Ground approach

Bibliographic Data

ID9352135
AuthorsEzra la Roi (0000-0002-4542-0610, Ghent, corresponding author)
Year2020
Volume96
Issue1
Pages213-245
Publication date2020-04-14
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueGlotta (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0017-1298 • E-ISSN: 2196-9043
PublisherVandenhoeck & Ruprecht (PUBLISHER • DE)
DOI10.13109/glot.2020.96.1.213
OpenAlexW3016824669
LanguageEN
Citations received3
References cited27

This paper examines several unobserved variations of realizable Classical Greek wishes which radically change our conception of them. Using the layered approach to clause structure from Functional Discourse Grammar, I demonstrate that the wish optative has both a semantic and a pragmatic illocutionary value. Semantically, the wish optative, in Classical Greek, is non-subjective epistemic (instead of the previously proposed deontic) as witnessed by its contextual communicative value and its (infrequent) combinations with the subjective particles ἄρα and ἦ. Realizable wishes have their own specific illocutionary value and sincerity condition. They express the speaker’s psychological commitment to a realizable state of affairs for several contextual reasons. I argue that εἴθε and εἰ γάρ, which, contrary to common opinion, are highly infrequent with wish optatives, are contextually motivated illocutionary particles. The particles occur when the speaker’s current psychological commitment has not been sufficiently established in the interlocutor(s)’ Common Ground, which contains “the sum of [interlocutors’] mutual, common, or joint knowledge, beliefs, and suppositions” (Clark 1996: 96). The particle νυν combined with the wish optative, a combination which was overlooked in analyses of νυν, marks the Discourse Act of the wish illocution as consequential from the previous acts in the Common Ground

Physics · Variation (astronomy · Classical Antiquity Studies

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Citations per year0.43
Citation span2019 - 2024 (6)
Highly citedNo

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