Skirts as Flags

Wartime rape is ubiquitous in contemporary conflicts. Its commission is deeply implicated in the gendered notions of a nation: a woman's body is constructed as a target in a conflict that involves different identity groups and as an object of protection within a nation. Addressing past wrongs in view of repairing relationships after human rights violations across the identity divide is an integral part of post-conflict recovery (Murphy, 2017, pp. 22–23). The practice of transitional justice also has a "constitutive" effect on the building of the new democratic order and peace (Teitel, 2000). Post-conflict justice provides an opportunity for reordering gender relations within post-conflict nation building. This process requires the recognition of both a victim- and a gender-specific harm, such as wartime rape. However, the practice of transitional justice often perpetuates "transitional in justice" (Loyle & Davenport, 2016), of which gender injustice is a part. In this article, we bring the perspective of everyday nationalism to the feminist theorizing in the field of transitional justice and investigate gendered dimensions of post-conflict nation building. Our aim is to understand possibilities for achieving gender-just peace characterized by the transformation of gender relations, as well as their obstacles. Feminist scholarship has captured complex, contested, and ambiguous dynamics of shifting gender relations in conflict and post-conflict settings in the everyday domain. Despite increasing understanding of women's agency and its limits, the entrenchment of dominant hierarchical norms at the intersection of gender and the nation remains puzzling. Everyday nationalism directs attention to mundane aspects of nationhood. It also offers a bottom–up perspective on top–down processes of "formal" nationalism and their interplay with everyday constructions of nationhood. The alignment between these bottom–up and top–down processes reveals how national ideologies are legitimized and hierarchical gender relations entrenched. We ask, does the public recognition of wartime sexual violence and women's suffering challenge the norms and habits of masculine nationhood and pave the way for a new start free of patriarchal hierarchies? Or does it entrench a gendered war "metanarrative" (Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic, 2015, p. 172) and with it, unequal gender relations? We study a public art installation about wartime sexual violence in Kosovo aimed at tackling the stigma and silence about wartime rape. The analysis is focused on how this artistic practice, as a symbol, discourse, and performance, as well as an intervention in the everyday domain, offers recognition of wartime sexual violence, and how this recognition responds to, or interacts with, existing gendered dynamics of nationhood. Drawing on Malešević (2013, p. 14), we argue that nationalism and nationhood transcend the public/private dichotomy by connecting institutions and organizations, such as public art installations, to everyday microinteractions. We show that the public endorsement of the art project and the acceptance of wartime sexual violence result in the recognition of the war crime but not the victim. Dynamics of everyday nationalism reinforce gender asymmetries and women's marginalization in a nation-building process even while their suffering is being acknowledged publicly. Twenty years after the war in Kosovo ended, justice for ethnic Albanian women victims of sexual violence is still largely elusive. Their suffering has been sidelined both in international criminal prosecutions as well as in hybrid domestic war crime trials. The recent adoption by Kosovo's parliament of a reparations law for wartime sexual and gender-based violence marks formal progress. But, its impact on actual redress for this wartime harm has been limited. One of the major obstacles for women coming forward to claim the reparations is the stigma surrounding wartime sexual violence. The stigma is steeped in gendered patriarchal mores playing themselves out in the politics of postwar peacebuilding within the victims' national community, and it pervades everyday life. By focusing on how an artistic intervention can promote justice for victims of wartime rape, we explore an avenue for supporting gender-just peacebuilding that is an alternative to women's activism, legal responses, and formal gender equality policies. Despite the "context-specific natures of claims of justice" (Murphy, 2017, p. 6), the case study of Kosovo reflects the typical pattern of gender-based harm and the challenges of building gender-just peace after a civil war. Therefore, our findings reveal everyday dynamics of gendering nation building and contribute to the wider understanding of how the redress for wartime sexual violence perpetuates gender-insensitive peace (Chinkin & Kaldor, 2013). Empirical research in this article draws on a range of sources. These include the analysis of the Thinking of You art installation, published interviews with the artist, reports of domestic and international media outlets (in Albanian and English), a documentary film about the installation with the same title (Mendoj Për Ty|Thinking of You–Documentary), and speeches by former president of Kosovo, Atifete Jahjaga. We first outline feminist perspectives on transitional justice and present the analytical gains of applying an everyday nationalism perspective to the study of gendered construction of nationhood. This is followed by a background section on the war, sexual and gender-based violence, and postwar stigma in Kosovo, as well as an overview of the art installation. The analysis is organized around three conceptual dimensions of everyday nationalism: symbols, discourse, and performance. Feminist attention to gender in transitional justice is a relatively new phenomenon (Nì Aoláin, 2012; Bell & O'Rourke, 2007; Baines, 2011). It is characterized, first and foremost, "by centralising gender in the analysis of the traditional concerns of transitional justice mechanisms" (Gyimah, 2009, pp. 20–21). As such, it represents a response to the previous neglect of women's experiences during and after the conflict (Simic, 2016a, p. 2). Scholars have shown that the nature of wartime violence against women is related to gendered constructions of a nation. The practice of post-conflict transitional justice in response to the legacy of sexual and gender-based violence provides an opportunity to address this gendered logic and these consequences of conflict. But it also has wider implications for how a nation is constructed after a conflict, including the women's place therein. As a war crime, sexual and gender-based violence reflects the gendered notion of the nation constructed through comparisons of a nation with a family, in which men and women have "natural" gender-specific roles (Anderson, 1991, p. 7; McClintock, 1991; Nagel, 1998; Skurski, 1994; Yuval-Davis, 1997; Žarkov, 2007). Conceived as metaphors, nation-as-woman and woman-as-nation become everyday battlegrounds of actual group struggles (Peterson, 1999, p. 47). The land, or body, and honour of the passive, feminized nation must be defended by males (Helms, 2013; Massad, 1995; Mosse, 1985; Peterson, 1999). Ethnosexual transgression, such as rape of one's homeland or women, is one of the most potent justifications for military intervention against ethnic "Others" (Nagel, 2003, p. 256). In sum, land and history, as Sofos (1996, p. 87) points out, "can be and are conquered over women's bodies." The end of a conflict and, in particular, the practice of transitional justice that recognizes gender-specific wartime violence are indicative of how gender relations within nation building are (re)constructed during peacebuilding. As with the nature of violence in conflict, the practice of transitional justice has also been revealed to be gendered. The omission of wartime sexual violence from transitional justice processes, whether retributive, such as international and domestic war crime trials or restorative, such as truth commissions, has resulted in a reckoning with past wrongs that has marginalized women's experiences of conflict (Kashyap, 2009; Nagy, 2008; Oosterveld, 2009). At the same time, in their lived environments, women often remain silent about wartime rape because of a risk and fear of stigmatization, ostracism, and even physical punishment by members of their own communities. Such stigmatization persists owing to normative, structural, and political factors (Graybill, 2001; Krog, 2001; Simic, 2016b). As a consequence, women's suffering is unacknowledged, impacting the prospects of redress for injustice—despite calls for a subtler understanding of silence as an agential act that is empowering (Porter, 2012, p. 35; Mannergren Selimovic, 2018). Speaking out about gender-based violence can also have a mixed outcome. The assertion of women's agency through advocacy about wartime rape, which may also include public testimony about their suffering, has resulted in normative and policy shifts at international and national levels (Patterson-Markowitz, Oglesby, & Marston, 2012). At the same time, it has also created different gendered dynamics. The sole focus on sexual violence has reduced a range of women's experiences of conflict to one dimension of harm endured by women (Heineman, 2011; Tabak, 2011; Turano, 2011), overlooking many different forms of victimhood such as sacrificing mothers of soldiers or being engaged as fighters (Cockburn, 1998; Griffin & Braidotti, 2002; Reilly, 2010, p. 239; Shadmi, 2000). Furthermore, gendered transitional justice, as a theory and practice, has prioritized analytically women in relation to men victims of sexual violence (Simic, 2016a). In accounting for "gendered peace" (Pankhurst, 2008), scholars have focused on the practice of transitional justice through a range of transitional justice mechanisms, as well as the contents of peace agreements and their gender-responsive provisions (Ellerby, 2016) and formal policies pursued by post-conflict states that instrumentalize justice for wartime rape (Loken, Lake, & Cronin-Furman, 2018). The understanding of the constraints on justice seeking constituted by everyday enactment of nationhood in a post-conflict environment remains a lacuna in this scholarship. We address this gap by heeding the need identified by Ní Aoláin (2012) to return the gaze to the cultural, material, and geopolitical sites where transitional justice is practiced. The theoretical perspective of everyday nationalism allows us to reveal how transitional justice is implicated in reproducing gender hierarchies in post-conflict nation building. Everyday nationalism provides an analytical lens through which to examine gender relations in nation building and their reordering, which may be messy and contingent. Everyday nationalism is a subfield in the study of nationalism that focuses on ordinary people and their agency in order to better understand the lived experience of nationalism (Knott, 2015, p. 1). It posits ordinary individuals as the co-constituents, participants, and consumers of national symbols, rituals, and identities (Knott, 2015). The concept enables us to investigate empirically how nationalism is constructed from below by examining ordinary relations, individuals, settings, and items. Scholars of the field examine how the nation is reproduced by "ordinary people doing ordinary things in their ordinary lives" (Fox, 2018, p. 862). Everyday nationalism is derived from Billig's banal nationalism, although the exact relationship between the two concepts is much debated (including a symposium on the topic in this journal1). Banal nationalism is an understanding of nationalism as a widespread ideology diffused to everyday experience, which results in the unconscious reproduction of the nation by citizens (Duchesne, 2018 p. 844). It reveals the taken for grantedness of nationhood, which it opens for analysis. Billig's approach regards nationalism exclusively as an ideology that can often unknowingly be reproduced by ordinary citizens (Duchesne, 844; Billig, 1995). Banal nationalism is, therefore, seen as inherently negative, and this prescribed normative dimension arguably restricts its analytical purchase. It overlooks broader political, social, and cultural effects of a variety of symbols, discourses, and performances of nationalism. Some of these symbols, discourses, and performances, as we show in our analysis in the case of justice for wartime sexual and gender-based violence, can advance gender-just peace that acknowledges gender-specific harm suffered by women. Applying everyday nationalism to the study of gender relations in nation building helps us understand the role of ordinary people and their agency while taking into account the complex and contingent nature of gender and nationalism (Brubaker, Feischmidt, Fox, & Grancea, 2006; Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008). Gender and the nation are both spoken, chosen, performed, and consumed (Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008). Both are constructed and unstable categories that are continuously performed and reproduced (Peterson, 1999, p. 55). Gender relations in the domain of the everyday have been extensively examined by anthropologists. Immersion in women's daily lives as a method of scholarly inquiry of gender relations within a nation has revealed the difficulty, complexity, and ambiguity involved in the assertion of women's agency and recognition of their subjectivity. Helms (2013) has shown how Bosnian women activists obtained respect and standing by using essentialist representations of women strategically. New conflicts, which are a consequence of adjusting gender relations, have been exposed, along with their impact on relations between men and women, as well as between women. Aretxaga (1997) recounts how republican women's "Dirty Protest" in the Armagh women's prison in Northern Ireland in 1980 and 1981 addressed the marginalization of women's contribution to the national struggle by using the potent symbolism of menstrual blood, but the protest also caused a fissure in the feminist movement in Ireland. Anthropologists have captured multilayered processes of renegotiations of gender relations, having rejected linear accounts of assertion of women's agency, as, for example, Mookharjee (2015) did when depicting simultaneous processes of shaming and celebration of "birangonas"—the women who suffered gender-based violence in the 1971 Bangladesh war. Although revealing about women's daily struggles for equality within a political space of a nation, this scholarship has not engaged directly with theories of nations and nationalism. Rather, they have used nations and nationalism as concepts through which the feminist analysis of gendered structures, norms, and ideologies are refracted. In our analysis, we reverse the analytical gaze directed at gender relations. Underpinned by feminist theories that conceptualize gender "as a lived social relation; a location that is structural, symbolic and discursive" (McNay, 2004, p. 175), we apply the everyday nationalism perspective to reveal interactions in the realm of the everyday that reinforce subordinate subjectivities through the alignment of bottom–up and top–down constructions of the nation. The expression and contestation of the nation's symbols and discourses in everyday life is an integral part of such investigation (Goode & Stroup, 2015, p. 723). Ethnographic methods have been the most common way of studying everyday nationalism because they allow for a rich observation of the practices of everyday life and capture the lived experience of nationalism (Goode & Stroup, 2015; Hearn, 2007; Knott, 2015). But, as we demonstrate in our analysis, ethnography can also be limited by its microanalytical approach and easily overlooks and downplays the impact and interaction of processes both at the formal and at the informal level (Smith, 2008, p. 567). As Malešević (2013, p. 130) argues, institutional frameworks can come to constitute the intimate world of ordinary individuals, constraining their agency. Consequently, the analysis of the "active construction" of nationalism (Mann & Fenton, 2009, p. 518) in a "naturally occurring" setting of the mundane also ought to investigate the complex dialectic between top–down and bottom–up processes and agents (De Cillia, Reisigl, & Wodak, 1999, p. 153). We can, therefore, simultaneously analyze "formal" nationalism, connected to the nation-state; and "informal" nationalism, associated with collective events, civil society, and ritual celebrations (Eriksen, 1993). Approaching this interplay from the everyday perspective, we reveal how nationalism becomes entrenched. The approach speaks to an identified gap in the everyday nationalism literature, that of the relationship between nationalism, domestic political regimes, and legitimacy (Goode & Stroup, 2015, p. 721). We draw on Malešević's (2013) theoretical framework to show that the top–down and bottom–up are mutually constitutive. Mundane, everyday nationalism could not exist without the elaborate institutions and organizations of "official" nationalism (Malešević, 2013, p. 131). Nationalism's vitality is based on the cultivation of an ideal institutional context, premised on long-term organization and ideological build-up, which allow a mundane and habitual sense of attachment to a nation to proliferate (Malešević, 2013, p. 140). Expressions of nationalism at the everyday level are, therefore, expressions of attachment to a specific social organization, such as the nation-state (Malešević, 2013). From this perspective, the art installation is an institutional site where nationalism can be reproduced at the everyday level (Malešević, 2013, pp. 124–125). Within such a framework, ordinary people are agents that reproduce the nation and nationalism, while their microinteractional lifeworld is influenced by top–down institutions. Individuals and institutions perform, consume, and frame nationhood in different ways, but both place structural limits to what or how widely they can choose (Malešević, 2013, p. 130). Nationalism can become both powerful and taken for granted only if it penetrates the microworld of family, friendships, neighborhoods, local communities, and kinship networks (Malešević, 2013, p. 151). In short, the top–down and bottom–up are tightly woven. Ultimately, the framework of everyday nationalism allows us to glean a different understanding of the obstacles to justice for victims of wartime sexual violence by analyzing gender relations within social processes of nation building. Essentialist representations of women in nation building can limit women's agency, but they can also provide opportunities for engagement and action in the "male" public sphere, as Helms (2013) and Peteet (1991) have shown. They open identifiable opportunities for women to mobilize and act within nationalist constructs, which give their efforts legitimacy and ultimately counter gender norms (Fox, 1996). How these processes unfold and with what effect can be studied by analyzing art as a political and creative practice and tracing how gender and the nation intersect through symbols, discourse, and performance. The following section provides the context for studying these dynamics from the everyday nationalism perspective with an overview of the Kosovo conflict, the pattern of sexual and gender-based violence, and the challenges encountered by women victims of wartime rape. Kosovo was a self-governing autonomous province within Serbia in the former Yugoslavia but without the same rights as the republics: Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia. In the late 1980s and 1990s, Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević incited ethnic nationalism in Serbia, underpinned by the ideology of controlling all "Serbian lands." This nationalism was on Kosovo, the of Serbian nationhood. The policy of to in and Bosnia and that the and the Albanian was in that for a The human rights in Kosovo, with a of international for the Albanian movement Kosovo's to the of by the Kosovo in the late pp. The Kosovo war out in the of Serbian and an against in Kosovo, to in the of to the violence. and gender-based violence by Serbian was during the Kosovo war. Albanian women and of all victims of sexual in their and local communities. as although to a also about the of women range between and 2008, pp. However, these remain This is in part because of Albanian women's to about their suffering to social and The intervention for It the Serbian in Kosovo, but Kosovo did not The province a by the and international the the for and in and from The Albanian for Kosovo's In the the former president of as to between Kosovo and the Serbian The to an while the on for Kosovo, the that it remain within the of the a as the for the of Kosovo and on with the of major the and the of The of Kosovo years states have Kosovo as an while Serbia, with from to Kosovo's Kosovo has been to a in the The contestation of Kosovo's the Albanian national struggle and it the political environment in which claims for post-conflict transitional justice are The of gender-just peace is integral to of nationalism and in the context of Kosovo's postwar have the role of traditional in processes of social (2013) that international efforts at identity building with these often at the level of the building and in Kosovo, both local and are with nationalist discourses 2016), which reinforce 2007; 2008). with sexual violence in Kosovo have to gender from and have often to local as well as to international norms, for We an understanding of local and everyday to wartime sexual violence challenge dominant gender hierarchies in the process of nation building. In postwar Kosovo, wartime sexual violence has a deeply The commission of wartime sexual violence was out of the and collective of the Kosovo war in the postwar associated with wartime rape 2018, p. have by and silent about their The Thinking of You art installation by to the The installation place on 2015, with the Kosovo when the intervention Serbian in This of public art was performed by and from in the in Kosovo's The and the of the installation, the around Kosovo to and which by members of the as well as local and as everyday symbols of that could easily be by both women and They also the of the installation The project was both and by the president of Kosovo at the time, Atifete Jahjaga. as the president of Kosovo from to and was the first and the of in to following a political and as a by political in by the political to the gender injustice surrounding wartime sexual violence in a in the approach to the in Kosovo that been exclusively by civil a and the installation well as the also to the project through the on of which in The project also international from political from of former and the time, the on sexual violence in to example, and the installation to Kosovo's of sexual violence. The installation to sexual and gender-based violence in Kosovo, but the it a that could be by The the project was to recognition of the rape victims being in the Albanian of the public and political and which was seen as a way to the of by in on 2015). The of the of the installation, its of the and the of the installation in a documentary film Për Ty|Thinking of by and The installation be seen as one of a of public to a of recognition of wartime rape in As a project that international it local aimed at the stigma and seeking justice for sexual violence, such as the Kosovo which and justice for of wartime sexual violence on Kosovo has formal in the recognition of wartime sexual violence The to the law on war victims women of war rape, who are to reparations This also has gendered dynamics. a of women have for reparations and whether the stigma and claim their rights is to be the range of including the for wartime rape victims is much for victims of war. have been as an within a nation and its of suffering during the conflict. Consequently, women of wartime sexual violence have it to reveal what they out of fear of being by and As has in the prison of victims is a powerful of with the to counter stigmatization by through within the nationalist discourse, it is in art that of women of sexual violence a One is the film and a directed by which speaks against stigmatization and gender in everyday life in example, by is a based on actual by women. In this we are in the of public art to stigma and We analyze the Thinking of You art installation to reveal how Kosovo is constructed as a nation at an everyday level through the interplay of performance, discourse, and symbols of the artistic The everyday nationalism perspective allows us to capture the mundane

Economic Justice · Media studies · Nationalism · Political science · Politics · Schools of economic thought · Sociology · Balkans: History, Politics, Society · Gender, Security, and Conflict · Law · Turkey's Politics and Society

• Feminist Encounters in Statebuilding

  Open Access•Vjosa Musliu, Itziar Chao•Feminist Encounters in…•2024

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• Speaking Up

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• Women Activists and Women Parliamentarians as Actors of the Political Representation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina

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• The End of Silencing? Dealing with Sexualized Violence in the Context of the Kosovo Conflict (1998/99–2019)

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• Engendering Governance After Armed Conflict

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• Growing Up in Post-Conflict Kosovo

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• Albanian Poetry Emerging from the Aftermath of the 1999 Kosovo War

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• Mnemonic wars and parallel polis

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• Towards Emancipatory Statebuilding in Kosovo? Spatial and Aesthetic Community Building After war

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• Curating a ‘Living Museum’

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• Gender and Transitional Justice

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• Introduction

  Open Access•D Kostovicova, Ivor Sokolić et al.•Nations and Nationalism•2020

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• Skirts as Flags

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• Gender in Crisis

  Julie Peteet•Gender in Crisis•1992

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• Kosovo

  Tim Judah•Kosovo•2000

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• Symbolic Closure through Memory, Reparation and Revenge in post-Conflict Societies

  Open Access•Brandon Hamber, Richard Ashby Wilson•Role of Memory in Ethnic Conflict•2003

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• The Body of War

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• Nationalist Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town

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• Transitional Justice

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• The Conceptual Foundations of Transitional Justice

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• The Cultural Politics of Emotion

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• Nationalism and Sexuality

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• Gender and New Wars

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• Innocence and Victimhood

  Elissa Helms•Innocence and victimhood•2013

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• Kosovo

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• Kosovo

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• A seat at the table is not enough

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• Gendered silences in post-conflict societies

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• The Special Court for Sierra Leone’s Consideration of Gender-based Violence

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• Engendering Transitional Justice

  Open Access•Olivera Simic•Human Rights Review•2015

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• Feminist Research in Transitional Justice Studies

  Open Access•Olivera Simic•Human Rights Review•2015

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• Arrested Truth

  Gëzim Visoka•Journal of Human Rights Practice•2016

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• Advancing Feminist Positioning in the Field of Transitional Justice

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• Does Feminism Need a Theory of Transitional Justice? An Introductory Essay

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• Gender, Responsibility, and the Grey Zone

  Erin Baines•Journal of Human Rights•2011

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• Transitional Injustice

  Cyanne E Loyle, Christian Davenport•Journal of Human Rights•2015

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• Political Identities/Nationalism as Heterosexism

  Spike Peterson•International Feminist Journal of…•1999

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• Gender in Service of Nation

  Julie Mertus•Social Politics International…•1996

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• Gendering agency in transitional justice

  Open Access•Annika Björkdahl, Johanna Mannergren Selimovic•Security Dialogue•2015

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• Strategies of Symbolic Nation Building in South Eastern Europe

  Michael Potter•Europe Asia Studies•2015

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• Thinking Differently. A Reader in European Women's Studies

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• Seeking Justice for Wartime Sexual Violence in Kosovo

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• Victims, perpetrators or actors? Gender, armed conflict and political violence

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• Between resistance and compliance, feminism and nationalism

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• The bequest of Ilegalja

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• Everyday Nationalism

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• Sports and Nationalism in a Globalized World

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• Shattering Silence

  Begoña Aretxaga•Shattering Silence•1997

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• Transitional Justice as Global Project

  Rosemary Nagy•Third World Quarterly•2008

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• National identity

  Open Access•Jonathan Hearn•Nations and Nationalism•2007

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• Skirts as Flags

  Open Access•Vjollca Krasniqi, Ivor Sokolić et al.•Nations and Nationalism•2020

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• Imagined communities

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• The Legendary Commander

  Open Access•Anna Di Lellio, Stephanie Schwandner-Siever et al.•Nations and Nationalism•2006

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• Banal Nationalism in everyday life

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• Who's afraid of Banal Nationalism

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• Deploying Justice

  Open Access•Meredith Loken, Milli Lake et al.•International Studies Quarterly•2018

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• The limits of everyday nationhood

  Open Access•Anthony D Smith, Anthony Smith•Ethnicities•2008

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• The Spectral Wound

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• The Discursive Construction of National Identities

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• Everyday nationhood

  Open Access•Jon E Fox, Cynthia Miller-Idri et al.•Ethnicities•2008

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• Symbolic closure through memory,reparation and revenge in post-conflict societies

  Brandon Hamber, Richard Ashby Wilson•Journal of Human Rights•2002

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• The contribution of the truth and reconciliation commission toward the promotion of women's rights in south africa

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• No Longer in a Future Heaven

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• The Ambiguities of Authenticity in Latin America

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• Women, Citizenship and Difference

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• Imagery, Gender and Power

  Open Access•Vjollca Krasniqi•Feminist Review•2007

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• The Personal Contexts of National Sentiments

  R Mann, Steve Fenton•New Community•2009

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• Agency and Experience

  Open Access•Lois Mcnay•The Sociological Review•2004

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• Inter-ethnic Violence and Gendered Constructions of Ethnicity in former Yugoslavia

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• The Politics of Reintegration and War Commemoration. The Case of the Kosovo Liberation Army

  Open Access•Isabel Ströhle•Comparative Southeast European…•2010

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• Imperial Leather

  Anne Mcclintock•Imperial Leather•2013

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• Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism

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• The Gift

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• Masculinity and nationalism

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• Formal and informal nationalism

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