Tim Heinkelmann‐wild
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 4153250 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Tim Heinkelmann‐wild |
| NOMBRES | Tim |
| APELLIDO | Heinkelmann‐wild |
| FIRMA | WILD T H |
| AFILIACIONES | Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-2699-6048 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 17 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 154 |
| OBRAS COMO AUTOR | 17 |
| OBRAS COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2019 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 7 |
(De)coding ‘America First’
Donald Trump's second term in office is causing considerable concern about the future of the liberal international order. Many observers fear a repetition—or even an escalation—of the ‘America First’ policy which in his first term saw numerous instances of contestation of international organizations and agreements. This article takes stock of contestation during the first Trump administration (Trump 1.0) and its varying impact on international in…
The Scapegoating Hypothesis Revisited
Governments in economic hardship that borrow from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under strict conditionalities are commonly expected to scapegoat the Fund to prevent domestic protest and electoral punishment. But we know little about the micro-level mechanisms underpinnings this scapegoating hypothesis. This paper theoretically specifies and empirically assesses two strategies that governments can employ to shape whom citizens hold respons…
No place to hide
Who is held responsible when international organisations (IOs) fall short of public expectations? Scholarship on IO blame avoidance assumes that member states can hide behind IOs. As clarity of responsibility is assumed to be lacking in IOs, public responsibility attributions (PRA) will usually target the IO rather than individual member states. We argue, by contrast, that even in complex IOs such as the European Union (EU), clarity of responsibi…
Shifting the Blame or Defending Implementation
As European Union (EU) policymaking becomes increasingly politicized, national and local authorities face pressure to justify compliance with contested EU rules. This study examines how different explanations for compliance affect citizens' perceptions of legitimacy. We distinguish between blame‐shifting and defending strategies communicated by national and municipal authorities. Our expectations and findings challenge the popular view that blami…
Insuring the Weak
Materially powerful states tend to dominate both the creation of international organizations (IOs) as well as subsequent IO policymaking. Materially weak states are nevertheless expected to participate in IOs since it is generally assumed that they will still profit from cooperation and prefer power to be exercised through institutions. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how exactly institutional rules protect weak states from the powerful in…
The Cooptation Dilemma
While the United States (US) acted as a liberal hegemon in setting up the Liberal International Order (LIO), it is increasingly contesting the inclusive legacy institutions underpinning the LIO and is instead moving towards alternative, more exclusive institutions. Why is the US contesting the institutions it once set up to stabilize the LIO? We argue that hegemonic contestation is the result of a reactive sequence that is endogenous to cooptatio…
Governance abhors a vacuum
International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our an…
Blame shifting and blame obfuscation
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of the effects of different delegation designs. To address this gap in the literature, we study public …
Disentangling institutional contestation by established powers
International institutions underpinning the ‘liberal international order’ are increasingly contested by established Western powers. This article contributes to a better understanding of this novel challenge ‘from within’. We conceptualize four types of contestation frames according to (1) whether contesting states attribute the source of grievances to specific practices or the underlying principles of an international institution; and (2) whether…
Dolce far niente? Non-compliance and blame avoidance in the EU
The politicisation of the EU renders blame avoidance for unpopular EU policies an essential task for governments. This article looks at one particular blame avoidance strategy, which governments have at their disposal in the EU policy process: the threat of non-compliance. In order to gauge its effectiveness, we present two competing arguments. According to the blame avoidance hypothesis, non-compliance enables governments to shift responsibility…
Indirect Governance at War
Instead of attacking their adversaries directly, states often do so indirectly by supporting rebel groups. While these support relationships vary considerably, existing research lacks a comprehensive account thereof. To explain states’ choice of support, we suggest differentiating between two modes of support relationships according to the control opportunities they offer states over rebels: while delegation enables “hands-on” control, “hands-off…
The EU Multi-Level System and the Europeanization of Domestic Blame Games
Blame games between governing and opposition parties are a characteristic feature of domestic politics. In the EU, policymaking authority is shared among multiple actors across different levels of governance. How does EU integration affect the dynamics of domestic blame games? Drawing on the literatures on EU politicisation and blame attribution in multi-level governance systems, we derive expectations about the direction and frequency of blame a…
To Yield or Shield? Comparing International Public Administrations’ Responses to Member States’ Policy Contestation
When member states contest policymaking in international organizations, some international public administrations (IPAs) react in a conciliatory way while others are adversarial. This article argues that IPAs’ dependence on contesting states, their policymaking authority, and affectedness from contestation shape communicative responses. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 32 cases of contestation by the Trump administration indicates that IPAs …
Multilevel blame games
Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that polic…
Divided they fail
This paper develops a theory of wedge issue politics in modern democracies. It argues that wedge issues are associated with a politics of intransigence which differs from the politics of concessions that typically comes with non-wedge issues. This theory explains why Prime Minister Theresa May opted for a divisive approach to secure ratification of her Brexit agreement in the House of Commons. Due to the intra-partisan division within the Conserv…
Disarmed principals
Governments across the world increasingly rely on non-state agents for managing even the most sensitive tasks that range from running critical infrastructures to protecting citizens. While private agents frequently underperform, governments as principals tend nonethelessnotto enforce delegation contracts. Why? We suggest the mechanism of institutional resilience. A preexisting set of rules shapes non-enforcement through the combination of (i) its…
Heroes welcome
An increased number of refugees entering Germany between 2015 and 2017 has resulted in a fierce political debate on the potentials and dangers of increased immigration and the meaning of ‘refugees’ in the country. So far, most studies on the social construction of the ‘refugee’ either have focused on the linkage between immigration and threats, such as terrorism, or examined the process of constituting the ‘refugee’ as a passive victim without ag…
Multilevel blame games
Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that polic…
Divided they fail
This paper develops a theory of wedge issue politics in modern democracies. It argues that wedge issues are associated with a politics of intransigence which differs from the politics of concessions that typically comes with non-wedge issues. This theory explains why Prime Minister Theresa May opted for a divisive approach to secure ratification of her Brexit agreement in the House of Commons. Due to the intra-partisan division within the Conserv…
Blame shifting and blame obfuscation
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of the effects of different delegation designs. To address this gap in the literature, we study public …
Dolce far niente? Non-compliance and blame avoidance in the EU
The politicisation of the EU renders blame avoidance for unpopular EU policies an essential task for governments. This article looks at one particular blame avoidance strategy, which governments have at their disposal in the EU policy process: the threat of non-compliance. In order to gauge its effectiveness, we present two competing arguments. According to the blame avoidance hypothesis, non-compliance enables governments to shift responsibility…
The Cooptation Dilemma
While the United States (US) acted as a liberal hegemon in setting up the Liberal International Order (LIO), it is increasingly contesting the inclusive legacy institutions underpinning the LIO and is instead moving towards alternative, more exclusive institutions. Why is the US contesting the institutions it once set up to stabilize the LIO? We argue that hegemonic contestation is the result of a reactive sequence that is endogenous to cooptatio…
Indirect Governance at War
Instead of attacking their adversaries directly, states often do so indirectly by supporting rebel groups. While these support relationships vary considerably, existing research lacks a comprehensive account thereof. To explain states’ choice of support, we suggest differentiating between two modes of support relationships according to the control opportunities they offer states over rebels: while delegation enables “hands-on” control, “hands-off…
The EU Multi-Level System and the Europeanization of Domestic Blame Games
Blame games between governing and opposition parties are a characteristic feature of domestic politics. In the EU, policymaking authority is shared among multiple actors across different levels of governance. How does EU integration affect the dynamics of domestic blame games? Drawing on the literatures on EU politicisation and blame attribution in multi-level governance systems, we derive expectations about the direction and frequency of blame a…
Disarmed principals
Governments across the world increasingly rely on non-state agents for managing even the most sensitive tasks that range from running critical infrastructures to protecting citizens. While private agents frequently underperform, governments as principals tend nonethelessnotto enforce delegation contracts. Why? We suggest the mechanism of institutional resilience. A preexisting set of rules shapes non-enforcement through the combination of (i) its…
To Yield or Shield? Comparing International Public Administrations’ Responses to Member States’ Policy Contestation
When member states contest policymaking in international organizations, some international public administrations (IPAs) react in a conciliatory way while others are adversarial. This article argues that IPAs’ dependence on contesting states, their policymaking authority, and affectedness from contestation shape communicative responses. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 32 cases of contestation by the Trump administration indicates that IPAs …
Heroes welcome
An increased number of refugees entering Germany between 2015 and 2017 has resulted in a fierce political debate on the potentials and dangers of increased immigration and the meaning of ‘refugees’ in the country. So far, most studies on the social construction of the ‘refugee’ either have focused on the linkage between immigration and threats, such as terrorism, or examined the process of constituting the ‘refugee’ as a passive victim without ag…
No place to hide
Who is held responsible when international organisations (IOs) fall short of public expectations? Scholarship on IO blame avoidance assumes that member states can hide behind IOs. As clarity of responsibility is assumed to be lacking in IOs, public responsibility attributions (PRA) will usually target the IO rather than individual member states. We argue, by contrast, that even in complex IOs such as the European Union (EU), clarity of responsibi…
Shifting the Blame or Defending Implementation
As European Union (EU) policymaking becomes increasingly politicized, national and local authorities face pressure to justify compliance with contested EU rules. This study examines how different explanations for compliance affect citizens' perceptions of legitimacy. We distinguish between blame‐shifting and defending strategies communicated by national and municipal authorities. Our expectations and findings challenge the popular view that blami…
Insuring the Weak
Materially powerful states tend to dominate both the creation of international organizations (IOs) as well as subsequent IO policymaking. Materially weak states are nevertheless expected to participate in IOs since it is generally assumed that they will still profit from cooperation and prefer power to be exercised through institutions. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how exactly institutional rules protect weak states from the powerful in…
Disentangling institutional contestation by established powers
International institutions underpinning the ‘liberal international order’ are increasingly contested by established Western powers. This article contributes to a better understanding of this novel challenge ‘from within’. We conceptualize four types of contestation frames according to (1) whether contesting states attribute the source of grievances to specific practices or the underlying principles of an international institution; and (2) whether…
Governance abhors a vacuum
International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our an…
Heroes welcome
An increased number of refugees entering Germany between 2015 and 2017 has resulted in a fierce political debate on the potentials and dangers of increased immigration and the meaning of ‘refugees’ in the country. So far, most studies on the social construction of the ‘refugee’ either have focused on the linkage between immigration and threats, such as terrorism, or examined the process of constituting the ‘refugee’ as a passive victim without ag…
The EU Multi-Level System and the Europeanization of Domestic Blame Games
Blame games between governing and opposition parties are a characteristic feature of domestic politics. In the EU, policymaking authority is shared among multiple actors across different levels of governance. How does EU integration affect the dynamics of domestic blame games? Drawing on the literatures on EU politicisation and blame attribution in multi-level governance systems, we derive expectations about the direction and frequency of blame a…
To Yield or Shield? Comparing International Public Administrations’ Responses to Member States’ Policy Contestation
When member states contest policymaking in international organizations, some international public administrations (IPAs) react in a conciliatory way while others are adversarial. This article argues that IPAs’ dependence on contesting states, their policymaking authority, and affectedness from contestation shape communicative responses. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 32 cases of contestation by the Trump administration indicates that IPAs …
Multilevel blame games
Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that polic…
Divided they fail
This paper develops a theory of wedge issue politics in modern democracies. It argues that wedge issues are associated with a politics of intransigence which differs from the politics of concessions that typically comes with non-wedge issues. This theory explains why Prime Minister Theresa May opted for a divisive approach to secure ratification of her Brexit agreement in the House of Commons. Due to the intra-partisan division within the Conserv…
Disarmed principals
Governments across the world increasingly rely on non-state agents for managing even the most sensitive tasks that range from running critical infrastructures to protecting citizens. While private agents frequently underperform, governments as principals tend nonethelessnotto enforce delegation contracts. Why? We suggest the mechanism of institutional resilience. A preexisting set of rules shapes non-enforcement through the combination of (i) its…
Disentangling institutional contestation by established powers
International institutions underpinning the ‘liberal international order’ are increasingly contested by established Western powers. This article contributes to a better understanding of this novel challenge ‘from within’. We conceptualize four types of contestation frames according to (1) whether contesting states attribute the source of grievances to specific practices or the underlying principles of an international institution; and (2) whether…
Dolce far niente? Non-compliance and blame avoidance in the EU
The politicisation of the EU renders blame avoidance for unpopular EU policies an essential task for governments. This article looks at one particular blame avoidance strategy, which governments have at their disposal in the EU policy process: the threat of non-compliance. In order to gauge its effectiveness, we present two competing arguments. According to the blame avoidance hypothesis, non-compliance enables governments to shift responsibility…
Indirect Governance at War
Instead of attacking their adversaries directly, states often do so indirectly by supporting rebel groups. While these support relationships vary considerably, existing research lacks a comprehensive account thereof. To explain states’ choice of support, we suggest differentiating between two modes of support relationships according to the control opportunities they offer states over rebels: while delegation enables “hands-on” control, “hands-off…
Governance abhors a vacuum
International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our an…
Blame shifting and blame obfuscation
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of the effects of different delegation designs. To address this gap in the literature, we study public …
Insuring the Weak
Materially powerful states tend to dominate both the creation of international organizations (IOs) as well as subsequent IO policymaking. Materially weak states are nevertheless expected to participate in IOs since it is generally assumed that they will still profit from cooperation and prefer power to be exercised through institutions. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how exactly institutional rules protect weak states from the powerful in…
The Cooptation Dilemma
While the United States (US) acted as a liberal hegemon in setting up the Liberal International Order (LIO), it is increasingly contesting the inclusive legacy institutions underpinning the LIO and is instead moving towards alternative, more exclusive institutions. Why is the US contesting the institutions it once set up to stabilize the LIO? We argue that hegemonic contestation is the result of a reactive sequence that is endogenous to cooptatio…
Shifting the Blame or Defending Implementation
As European Union (EU) policymaking becomes increasingly politicized, national and local authorities face pressure to justify compliance with contested EU rules. This study examines how different explanations for compliance affect citizens' perceptions of legitimacy. We distinguish between blame‐shifting and defending strategies communicated by national and municipal authorities. Our expectations and findings challenge the popular view that blami…
(De)coding ‘America First’
Donald Trump's second term in office is causing considerable concern about the future of the liberal international order. Many observers fear a repetition—or even an escalation—of the ‘America First’ policy which in his first term saw numerous instances of contestation of international organizations and agreements. This article takes stock of contestation during the first Trump administration (Trump 1.0) and its varying impact on international in…
The Scapegoating Hypothesis Revisited
Governments in economic hardship that borrow from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under strict conditionalities are commonly expected to scapegoat the Fund to prevent domestic protest and electoral punishment. But we know little about the micro-level mechanisms underpinnings this scapegoating hypothesis. This paper theoretically specifies and empirically assesses two strategies that governments can employ to shape whom citizens hold respons…
No place to hide
Who is held responsible when international organisations (IOs) fall short of public expectations? Scholarship on IO blame avoidance assumes that member states can hide behind IOs. As clarity of responsibility is assumed to be lacking in IOs, public responsibility attributions (PRA) will usually target the IO rather than individual member states. We argue, by contrast, that even in complex IOs such as the European Union (EU), clarity of responsibi…
Political science (14 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Economics (10 obras) · Politics (9 obras) · Political economy (8 obras) · Attribution (6 obras) · Corporate governance (6 obras) · European Union Policy and Governance (6 obras) · Psychology (6 obras)