Isn’t there more than one way to bias a polar question
Datos Bibliográficos
| ID | 7931369 |
|---|---|
| Autores | Daniel Goodhue (0000-0003-0900-6727, Leibniz-Centre General Linguistics, autor de correspondencia) |
| Año | 2022 |
| Volumen | 30 |
| Número | 4 |
| Páginas | 379-413 |
| Fecha de publicación | 2022-12-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sí |
| Open Access | Sí |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Revista | Natural Language Semantics (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores de la revista | ISSN: 0925-854X • E-ISSN: 1572-865X |
| Editorial | Springer Science and Business Media LLC (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.1007/s11050-022-09198-2 |
| OpenAlex | W4311810268 |
| Idioma | EN |
| Citas recibidas | 11 |
| Referencias citadas | 51 |
I show that speaker bias in polarity focus questions (PFQs) is context sensitive, while speaker bias in high negation questions (HNQs) is context insensitive. This leads me to develop separate accounts of speaker bias in each of these kinds of polar questions. I argue that PFQ bias derives from the fact that they are frequently used in conversational contexts in which an answer to the question has already been asserted by an interlocutor, thus expressing doubt about the prior assertion. This derivation explains their context sensitivity, and the fact that similar bias arises from polar questions that lack polarity focus. I also provide novel evidence that the prejacents of HNQs lack negation, and thus only have an outer negation reading (see, e.g., Ladd in Papers from the seventeenth regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, vol. 17, pp. 164–171, 1981; Romero and Han in Linguistics and Philosophy 27(5):609–658, 2004; Krifka in Contrastiveness in information structure, alternatives and scalar implicatures, pp. 359–398, 2017; AnderBois in Questions in discourse, pp. 118–171, 2019; Frana and Rawlins in Semantics and Pragmatics 12(16):1–48, 2019; Jeong in Journal of Semantics 38(1):49–94, 2020). Based on a treatment of HNQs as denoting unbalanced partitions (Romero and Han in Linguistics and Philosophy 27(5):609–658, 2004), and competition with their positive polar question alternatives, I propose a novel derivation of speaker bias in HNQs as a conversational implicature. Roughly, if the speaker is ignorant, then a positive polar question will be more useful because it is more informative, so the use of an HNQ conveys that the speaker is not ignorant. The denotation of the HNQ then makes clear which way the speaker is biased. The result separates high negation from verum focus, and I argue that it is more parsimonious and has better empirical coverage than prior accounts
Assertion · Epistemology · Implicature · Linguistics · Metaphysics · Negation · Philosophy of language · Physics · Pragmatics · Computer Science · Discourse Analysis in Language Studies · History · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies · Philosophy · Psychology · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
A note on negation, focus, and bias in Greek polar questions
Parametric Differences Between English and Korean Response Particles
Verum, contrast and evidentiality in Saraguro Kichwa
Aren’t Gitksan Negative Polar Questions Biased
Biased Polar Questions
The functions of grammaticalized complement-taking-predicate clauses in interrogatives
Variations in answering negative polar questions in Korean
On the non-homogeneity of expletive negation in Greek and beyond
Varieties of Polar Question Bias
Polar questions in nɬeʔkepmxcín
A simpler analysis of English negation (and the Bulgarian definite marker)
Context and Content
Quantity Implicatures
The Phonology of Tone and Intonation
On Negative Yes/No Questions
Free Choice and the Theory of Scalar Implicatures
Bias in commitment space semantics
Beyond Expressives
Über Verum-Fokus im Deutschen
Obligatory Irrelevance and the Computation of Ignorance Inferences
A Scalar Analysis of Again -Ambiguities
On Reacting to Assertions and Polar Questions
Meaning and Use of not…until
Deriving Dual Dimensions of Bias
All Focus is Contrastive
Additive Particles and Polarity
The different readings of wieder 'again'
Verum Accent Is Verum, but Not Always Focus
A unified account of inquisitive and assertive rising declaratives
Verum focus is verum, not focus
Attitudes in discourse
The syntax and semantics of As-parentheticals
Japanese/Korean Linguistics
Linguistics and natural logic
Aren’t Prosody and Syntax Marking Bias in Questions
Polarity particle responses as a window onto the interpretation of questions and assertions
On the event relativity of modal auxiliaries
Modal indefinites
A Natural history of negation
Givenness, Avoidf and Other Constraints on the Placement of Accent
Quantifying into Question Acts
A theory of focus interpretation
Even-NPIs in YES/NO Questions
Focus and Negative Polarity in Hindi
Broaden Your Views
Discourse new, F-marking, and normal stress
Structurally-defined alternatives
Pragmatics
| Obras citantes distintas | 11 |
|---|---|
| Citas por año | 3,67 |
| Intervalo de citas | 2023 - 2026 (4) |
| Velocidad de citación | current |
| Altamente citado | No |
| Tipos de cita | Neutras: 11 |