Justin T Pickett
Biographic Data
| ID | 112430 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Justin T Pickett |
| GIVEN NAMES | Justin T |
| FAMILY NAME | Pickett |
| SIGNATURE | PICKETT J T |
| AFFILIATIONS | University at Albany, State University of New York |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8519-2659 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 92 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 831 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 92 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2011 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 18 |
The hidden inhumanity of incarceration: Quantifying the suffering caused by banning sexual intimacy behind bars
Toward a Standard Measure of Gun Ownership: A Methodological and Theoretical Quandary in Firearm Research
One limitation of the literature on gun ownership is a lack of consensus regarding how to operationalize the dependent variable. Consequently, gun measures vary widely across studies, and findings about the prevalence and predictors of gun ownership are inconsistent. In the current study, we endeavor to develop an empirically supported, standard measure of gun ownership. First, utilizing data from a national sample of the U.S. population, we anal…
Understanding bystander decision‐making: Experimental evidence on when and how people respond to crime
The decision to intervene when witnessing a crime is central to understanding bystander behavior and social control, yet there remain large gaps in knowledge about the factors that shape the decision to intervene and how. Drawing on theories of reactive guardianship, procedural justice, and crime reporting, we propose a broader conceptual framework of reactive guardianship and bystander decision‐making that considers both official (e.g., calling …
Noise in judicial decision‐making: A research note
Researchers suspect large unsystematic variation (noise) in criminal sentencing, but past attempts to quantify it have used short hypothetical vignettes administered in low‐stakes settings to small, heterogeneous samples of judges. Such vignettes are deficient in detail and ecological validity. Sample heterogeneity also makes it difficult to separate noise from systematic variation (e.g., experience effects). In the current study, these concerns …
The Road to Hell and Criminological Theory: Intention-Behavior Gaps in Crime
Incarceration without Dehumanization: Public Support for Policies to Reduce Correctional Officer Misconduct
Misconduct committed against incarcerated people is severe and dehumanizing. As the media has begun to shine light on correctional officer misconduct, corrections departments have started implementing policies to curb misbehavior, such as equipping officers with body-worn cameras. Using survey data from a national sample (N = 1,000), the study explores attitudes toward policies intended to reduce officer misconduct in prisons. We also test experi…
White Nationalism and Support for Political Violence in the United States
In recent years, concerns have grown about escalating political violence directed against government officials, particularly fueled by white nationalism. The current study examines how white nationalism is associated with support for violent citizen responses to three different types of government actions—those that are non-partisan versus those that benefit either left-wing or right-wing causes. Using data from a national survey experiment (N = …
The Right to Keep Arms Secretly? An Experimental Analysis of Popular Support for Public Gun Registries
Generally, Americans support the right to bear arms. However, a less studied inquiry is whether the public believes citizens should be allowed to take up arms secretly. We assess if Americans support a public gun registry so that they can know who around them (i.e., in their own neighborhood) owns firearms. To do so, we embedded a split-ballot experiment into a national survey ( n = 1,000) to assess support for registries for either handguns or A…
Protest Policing, Normative Alignment, and Riot Gear: An Experiment
To examine if police expressions of solidary with protesters improve public opinion toward the police, we embedded a picture- and information-based experiment in a YouGov survey ( N = 1,150), wherein respondents were randomly exposed to police expressions of solidarity with protesters. We also randomized whether the pictured officers were wearing riot gear. We find little evidence that expressions of solidarity or riot gear significantly affect p…
Invalidating Factorial Survey Experiments Using Invalid Comparisons Is Bad Practice: Learning from Forster and Neugebauer (2024)
Forster and Neugebauer's (2024) invalidation study is invalid. Their conclusion that factorial survey (FS) experiments 'are not suited for studying hiring behavior' (P. 901) is unjustified, because their claim that they conducted a field experiment (FE) and FS with 'nearly identical' designs is false (P. 891). The two experiments included: (1) different factor levels (for three factors), (2) different unvalidated applicant names (to manipulate et…
Public opinion about the shadow carceral state: A study of support for criminal justice fees
Public opinion about legal financial obligations (LFOs) is under-researched, despite the fact that LFOs are one facet of the “shadow carceral state” that interacts with poverty and financial precarity to significantly constrain the lives of people with criminal records. Furthermore, attitudes toward poverty have also been largely overlooked as a potential predictor of punitive attitudes. To begin to fill these knowledge gaps, we analyze data from…
Outgroups and ingroups: How support for torture and aggressive counterterrorism policies varies by extremist type
As domestic terrorism has become central to US national security, the American public has shown divided reactions to political violence. In the current context of increasing political polarization and racial tension, we draw on social identity theory to compare responses to Islamist, left-wing, and right-wing terrorism and identify moderators of those responses. Analyses of data from a 2022 national survey experiment (n = 1,300) reveal that Ameri…
How people choose between criminal opportunities
The explanatory power of criminological theories may differ across decision‐making stages because involvement decisions (the choice to become involved in crime) and event decisions (the choice between criminal opportunities) are theoretically distinct. Although our understanding of offender decision‐making has advanced greatly in recent years, event decisions remain understudied. Rational choice theory (RCT) indicates that crime benefits, arrest …
Public support for universal second look sentencing, a research note
Based on a 2023 national YouGov survey ( N = 800), we explored public support for universal second look sentencing—the view that all incarcerated individuals, not just those who committed their crimes before they were age 25, should be eligible to have lengthy sentences revisited by judges after serving 15 to 20 years in prison. A majority of Americans supported a universal policy, with only 1 in 5 respondents opposed. Multivariate analyses showe…
The (In)Stability of Punishment Preferences: Implications for Empirical Desert
Are public preferences for the type or amount of punishment stable? Instability over short periods would complicate empirical desert by undercutting the value of public preferences as policy guides. Using longitudinal, cross-national survey data from Central Europe, we examined within-person stability in punishment preferences along several dimensions: type, amount, and rank order. Individual-level instability was common; respondents frequently c…
Validation of Short-Form Scales of Self-Control, Procedural Justice, and Moral Foundations
Self-control, perceived procedural justice, and moral foundations are prominent theoretical constructs in the criminological literature. However, existing measures of each are long. Long scales crowd questionnaires, increase cognitive burden, and lengthen completion times. Using a set of heuristic guidelines for scale construction, we develop short measures of self-control, procedural justice, and moral foundations and then test experimentally wh…
How Does the Public Explain Police Misconduct? Race, Politics, and Attributions
Why have public reactions to police misconduct been so polarized, and why have opposing social movements emerged in response? This study explores attributions of police misconduct, using a myriad of possible attributions and a population-matched national sample ( N = 700), to extend our understanding of the perceived causes of police misconduct and who holds which attributions, focusing on race, racial attitudes, and political ideology. We find t…
Greed Restraint: Ambiguity Aversion, Reference Dependence, and Self-Centeredness as Sources of Self-Regulation in Instrumental Crime
Based on in-depth interviews with 29 active drug robbers (25 male, 4 female) from St. Louis, MO (USA), we explore restraint among people and in circumstances where there should be none. Focusing on greed restraint at the crime’s payoff point (i.e., not taking everything one could when rewards are seized), we identify the decision-making constructs and conceptual pathways by which this happens and discuss their implications for improved specificat…
Black Lives Matter, Protest Policing, and Voter Support for Police Reform in Portland, Oregon
Following George Floyd's killing in May 2020, Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters called for police reform in the largest and most diverse protests in U.S. history. The police frequently responded to BLM protesters with force, raising the question of how protest policing may impact public attitudes toward the police. We examined this issue using data from a survey of voters in Portland, Oregon, which was conducted before the November 2020 electio…
Partisan Differences in Hiring and Social Discrimination against Nonbinary Americans
Discrimination based on gender identity is unjust and wreaks havoc on individuals’ lives. Nonbinary Americans report experiencing extensive and daily experiences with discriminatory events. Yet experimental evidence on how employers and members of the public evaluate and react to individuals (e.g., job applicants, social acquaintances) with different gender identities remains limited and is mixed. Using experimental data from two conjoint analyse…
Coerced motherhood behind bars: Public support for abortion access for incarcerated women
Research Summary The U.S. Supreme Court's Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade has profound implications for the 58,000 incarcerated women who are pregnant. Especially in states that now ban abortion, women in prisons and jails who prefer to terminate their pregnancy will be denied that choice by the government and will be forced to give birth. Based on a July 2023 YouGov survey ( N = 800) employing three experiments and measuring attitudes tow…
Direct incentives may increase employment of people with criminal records
Research summary Although society benefits when people with criminal records are employed, employers are reluctant to hire them. Can we diminish this reluctance with direct incentives that reduce the cost of employing record‐holders or that compensate for the associated risk? If so, will the beneficial effects of incentives emerge under traditional hiring, where job applicants disclose criminal history information at the application stage, and un…
Public support for safe-storage laws: White nationalism and politics as barriers to evidence-based gun policy
On the Robustness of Black Americans’ Support for the Police: Evidence From a National Experiment
Officer diversity may reduce Black Americans’ fear of the police
Would police racial and gender diversification reduce Black Americans’ fear of the police? The theory of representative bureaucracy indicates that it might. We tested the effects of officer diversity in two experiments embedded in a national survey that oversampled Black Americans, producing several findings. First, in early 2022, nearly 2 years after George Floyd's killing, most Black Americans remained afraid of police mistreatment. Second, in …
Reconsidering the Relationship Between Perceived Neighborhood Racial Composition and Whites’ Perceptions of Victimization Risk: Do Racial Stereotypes Matter
Recent theoretical extensions of threat theory have posited that Whites frequently view Blacks as a criminal threat because of stereotypes linking race and crime. Several studies have found indirect support for this hypothesis and have shown that the percentage of neighborhood residents who are Black is positively associated with the perceptions of victimization risk and fear of crime by White residents. To date, however, little research has inve…
Public Opinion and Criminal Justice Policy: Theory and Research
This article reviews evidence for the effects of public opinion on court decision-making, capital punishment policy and use, correctional expenditures, and incarceration rates. It also assesses evidence about the factors explaining changes over time in public support for punitive crime policies. Most of this evidence originates from outside of our discipline. I identify two reasons that criminologists have not made more progress toward understand…
Vulnerable Victims, Monstrous Offenders, and Unmanageable Risk: Explaining Public Opinion on the Social Control of Sex Crime
With the possible exception of terrorists, sex offenders in the United States experience a greater degree of punishment and restriction than any other offender group, nonviolent or violent. Members of the public overwhelmingly support “get tough” sex crime policies and display an intense hostility toward persons labeled “sex criminals.” The theoretical literature has identified three models potentially explaining public opinion on the social cont…
Controlling Other People's Children: Racialized Views of Delinquency and Whites’ Punitive Attitudes Toward Juvenile Offenders
The juvenile justice system was founded on, and until recently developed around, the idea that society should afford delinquents more leniency and rehabilitative care than adult criminals because of their lower levels of physical and cognitive development and, thus, diminished culpability for law violations and higher amenability to treatment. The past four decades, however, have witnessed a sustained movement to recriminalize delinquency through…
Faith in Trump, Moral Foundations, and Social Distancing Defiance during the Coronavirus Pandemic
Purpose: Over the past several months, the coronavirus has infected more than six million Americans and killed nearly 200,000. Governors have issued stay-at-home orders, and prosecutors have filed criminal charges against individuals for defying those orders. And yet many Americans have still refused to keep their distance from their fellow citizens, even if they had symptoms of infection. The authors explore the underlying causes for those who i…
The Language of Stigmatization and the Mark of Violence: Experimental Evidence on the Social Construction and Use of Criminal Record Stigma
After years of stagnation, labeling theory has recently gained new empirical support. Simultaneously, new policy initiatives have attempted to restructure criminal record stigma to reduce reintegration barriers, and subsequent recidivism, driven by labeling. For example, in a recent Department of Justice (DOJ) language policy, person‐first terms (e.g., “person with a conviction”) were substituted for crime‐first terms (e.g., “offender”). The Equa…
The American racial divide in fear of the police
The mission of policing is “to protect and serve,” but recent events suggest that many Americans, and especially Black Americans, do not feel protected from the police. Understanding police‐related fear is important because it may impact civilians’ health, daily lives, and policy attitudes. To examine the prevalence, sources, and consequences of both personal and altruistic fear of the police, we surveyed a nationwide sample (N = 1,150), which in…
Toward a Better Understanding of Politicized Policing Attitudes: Conflicted Conservatism and Support for Police Use of Force
America is in the midst of an extraordinary public debate about police policy. “Conflicted conservatives,” who are symbolically conservative but operationally liberal, may have a disproportionate influence on policy making. Specifically, conflicted conservatives may be more likely to vote across party lines because they attend more to utilitarian concerns about social conditions and government performance than to symbolic issues. Prior criminolog…
The Pragmatic American: Empirical Reality or Methodological Artifact
Scholars widely agree that the public is pragmatic about criminal justice. The empirical basis for this conclusion is the failure in several previous studies to find a sizable negative relationship between dispositional and situational crime attributions, or between support for punitive and rehabilitative crime policies. We suggest, however, that public pragmatism may be an artifact of the use of unidirectional question batteries in prior researc…
Public fear of protesters and support for protest policing: An experimental test of two theoretical models
As protests erupted across the United States in recent years over racialized issues (e.g., Black Lives Matter and Confederate monuments), so too did questions about when and how police should respond. Understanding public attitudes toward protest policing is important for police legitimacy and policy. One theory is that citizens are willing to trade civil liberties, such as the right to assemble, for security, and thus disruptive or dangerous pro…
Toward a Bifurcated Theory of Emotional Deterrence
Since Hobbes (1957 [1651] and Beccaria (1963 [1764]), scholars have theorized that the emotion of fear is critical for deterrence. Nevertheless, contemporary deterrence researchers have mostly overlooked the distinction between perceived sanction risk and fear of apprehension. Whereas perceived risk is a cognitive judgment, fear involves visceral feelings of anxiety or dread. Equally important, a theory explicating the influence of deterrence on …
Retracted: Ethnic Threat and Social Control: Examining Public Support for Judicial Use of Ethnicity in Punishment
Research on social inequality in punishment has focused for a long time on the complex relationship among race, ethnicity, and criminal sentencing, with a particular interest in the theoretical importance that group threat plays in the exercise of social control in society. Prior research typically relies on aggregate measures of group threat and focuses on racial rather than on ethnic group composition. The current study uses data from a nationa…
Heuristics and Biases, Rational Choice, and Sanction Perceptions
The relevance of several cognitive heuristics and related biases for rational choice perspectives on crime, and for perceptions of sanction risk, were investigated. We present findings from a series of randomized experiments, embedded in two nationwide surveys of American adults (18 and older) in 2015 ( N = 1,004 and 623). The results reveal that offender estimates of detection risk are less probabilistically precise and more situationally variab…
Shared Race/Ethnicity, Court Procedural Justice, and Self-Regulating Beliefs: A Study of Female Offenders
Using survey data from a sample of white, black, and Hispanic incarcerated females (N = 554), we examine if the theoretically hypothesized and empirically demonstrated relationship between procedural justice and obligation to obey the law is substantiated among a sample of offenders and explore the impact that sharing the race/ethnicity of the defense attorney and prosecutor in their most recent conviction has on female inmates' perceptions of co…
Anti-minority attitudes and Tea Party Movement membership
Arrested Development: Misguided Directions in Deterrence Theory and Policy
Research Summary Deterrence theory assumes that objective and subjective sanction risk are positively related. If this assumption holds true, then the theory is useful for guiding criminal justice policy and practice. However, prior research has failed to support the assumption. Prominent review articles have dismissed this literature on the basis of methodological critiques, and they have presented certain requirements for future deterrence rese…
Are guns the new dog whistle? Gun control, racial resentment, and vote choice
Two principal movers of American politics appear increasingly to be connected: racism and guns. The racial content underlying gun rights rhetoric, however, is rarely made explicit during political campaigns. As such, it is possible that espousing pro‐gun messages may be an effective way to surreptitiously court prejudiced voters without transgressing popular egalitarian norms. In other words, gun rights rhetoric may function as a racial dog whist…
The public salience of crime, 1960–2014: Age–period–cohort and time–series analyses
The public salience of crime has wide‐ranging political and social implications; it influences public trust in the government and citizens’ everyday routines and interactions, and it may affect policy responsiveness to punitive attitudes. Identifying the sources of crime salience is thus important. Two competing theoretical models exist: the objectivist model and the social constructionist model. According to the first, crime salience is a functi…
Police research, officer surveys, and response rates
In recent years, policing scholars have increasingly used survey methods to gain insight into officers’ attitudes and behaviours. Yet, surprisingly, methodological research analysing surveys of police officers is rare. We analysed the extent and correlates of response rates in police surveys, providing insights about the survey design features and study characteristics associated with higher rates of officer participation. We examined the respons…
Third-person perceptions, hostile media effects, and policing: Developing a theoretical framework for assessing the Ferguson effect
What does the public want police to do during pandemics? A national experiment
When considered together with other evidence, one clear takeaway from our study is that the public values police patrols and wants officers on call, even during pandemics. Another is that people who believe the police are procedurally just are more willing to trust officers in times of crisis and to empower them to enforce new laws, such as social distancing ordinances. Our results thus support continued procedural justice training for officers. …
Testing a Social Schematic Model of Police Procedural Justice
Procedural justice theory increasingly guides policing reforms in the United States and abroad. Yet the primary sources of perceived police procedural justice are still unclear. Building on social schema research, we posit civilians’ perceptions of police procedural justice only partly reflect their personal and vicarious experiences with officers. We theorize perceptions of the police are anchored in a broader “relational justice schema,” compos…
The racial foundations of whites' support for child saving
Beyond the eternal criminal record: Public support for expungement
Research Summary In The Eternal Criminal Record , James Jacobs detailed how it has become increasingly difficult to escape the mark of a criminal record. One way to “wipe the slate clean” is through the official expungement of criminal records. We assess public views toward this policy using a national sample of American adults ( N = 1,000). Public support for expungement is high for persons convicted of property and substance‐related offenses, w…
Offender Decision-Making in Criminology: Contributions from Behavioral Economics
If there is agency and some decision-making process entailed in criminal behavior, then what are the incentives for crime and for conformity, and what is their role in offending decisions? Incentives have long been the province of economics, which has wide influence in criminology (e.g., Becker 1968 ). However, economics has evolved considerably since Becker's influential model. An important development has been the advent of behavioral economics…
Retracted: Ethnic Threat and Social Control: Examining Public Support for Judicial Use of Ethnicity in Punishment
Research on social inequality in punishment has focused for a long time on the complex relationship among race, ethnicity, and criminal sentencing, with a particular interest in the theoretical importance that group threat plays in the exercise of social control in society. Prior research typically relies on aggregate measures of group threat and focuses on racial rather than on ethnic group composition. The current study uses data from a nationa…
Racial Threat and Opposition to the Re-Enfranchisement of Ex-Felons
Prior research demonstrates that racial threat is related to the time, place and severity of disenfranchisement laws for ex-felons. This study builds on that work by examining whether perceived racial threat helps to account for public opposition to the abolition of disenfranchisement policies. To do this, we draw on interview data from a survey of 1,575 Florida adults randomly sampled in 2005. Perceived racial composition of neighborhood and the…
Controlling Other People's Children: Racialized Views of Delinquency and Whites’ Punitive Attitudes Toward Juvenile Offenders
The juvenile justice system was founded on, and until recently developed around, the idea that society should afford delinquents more leniency and rehabilitative care than adult criminals because of their lower levels of physical and cognitive development and, thus, diminished culpability for law violations and higher amenability to treatment. The past four decades, however, have witnessed a sustained movement to recriminalize delinquency through…
Reconsidering the Relationship Between Perceived Neighborhood Racial Composition and Whites’ Perceptions of Victimization Risk: Do Racial Stereotypes Matter
Recent theoretical extensions of threat theory have posited that Whites frequently view Blacks as a criminal threat because of stereotypes linking race and crime. Several studies have found indirect support for this hypothesis and have shown that the percentage of neighborhood residents who are Black is positively associated with the perceptions of victimization risk and fear of crime by White residents. To date, however, little research has inve…
Vulnerable Victims, Monstrous Offenders, and Unmanageable Risk: Explaining Public Opinion on the Social Control of Sex Crime
With the possible exception of terrorists, sex offenders in the United States experience a greater degree of punishment and restriction than any other offender group, nonviolent or violent. Members of the public overwhelmingly support “get tough” sex crime policies and display an intense hostility toward persons labeled “sex criminals.” The theoretical literature has identified three models potentially explaining public opinion on the social cont…
The Pragmatic American: Empirical Reality or Methodological Artifact
Scholars widely agree that the public is pragmatic about criminal justice. The empirical basis for this conclusion is the failure in several previous studies to find a sizable negative relationship between dispositional and situational crime attributions, or between support for punitive and rehabilitative crime policies. We suggest, however, that public pragmatism may be an artifact of the use of unidirectional question batteries in prior researc…
Racial Crime Stereotypes and Offender Juvenility: Comparing Public Views About Youth-Specific and Nonyouth-Specific Sanctions
Recent theoretical advancements of the racial threat model of punitiveness suggest that because youthful offending has driven crime trends in recent decades, and because racially exclusive conceptions of childhood have historically structured public opinion on juvenile justice, Black criminal stereotypes may be especially consequential for attitudes toward juvenile punishments. Building on this work, the current study uses national survey data to…
Othering Obama: Racial Attitudes and Dubious Beliefs about the Nation’s First Black President
The literature on descriptive representation indicates that the election of black political leaders may prompt white enmity. We assess this claim by examining the relationship between whites' racial attitudes and their likelihood of othering Barack Obama by labeling him as a Muslim and/or a noncitizen interloper. The findings reveal that both symbolic racial resentment and traditional racial attitudes are associated with othering Obama. In additi…
Taking Back Our Country: Tea Party Membership and Support for Punitive Crime Control Policies
The Tea Party Movement (TPM) emerged shortly after the 2008 election, with members rallying behind the call to 'take back our country.' Many observers suggest that the movement represents, in part, a racialized backlash against the election ofBarackObama, the nation's first black president, motivated by perceived threats to the racial hierarchy. Racial threat theory predicts that if theTPMis motivated by and reinforces racial concerns, racialized…
The racial foundations of whites' support for child saving
Toward a Better Understanding of Politicized Policing Attitudes: Conflicted Conservatism and Support for Police Use of Force
America is in the midst of an extraordinary public debate about police policy. “Conflicted conservatives,” who are symbolically conservative but operationally liberal, may have a disproportionate influence on policy making. Specifically, conflicted conservatives may be more likely to vote across party lines because they attend more to utilitarian concerns about social conditions and government performance than to symbolic issues. Prior criminolog…
Shared Race/Ethnicity, Court Procedural Justice, and Self-Regulating Beliefs: A Study of Female Offenders
Using survey data from a sample of white, black, and Hispanic incarcerated females (N = 554), we examine if the theoretically hypothesized and empirically demonstrated relationship between procedural justice and obligation to obey the law is substantiated among a sample of offenders and explore the impact that sharing the race/ethnicity of the defense attorney and prosecutor in their most recent conviction has on female inmates' perceptions of co…
On the Measurement and Properties of Ambiguity in Probabilistic Expectations
Survey respondents' probabilistic expectations are now widely used in many fields to study risk perceptions, decision-making processes, and behavior. Researchers have developed several methods to account for the fact that the probability of an event may be more ambiguous for some respondents than others, but few prior studies have empirically compared the approaches. This article contrasts two of the most prominent methods using data from an expe…
Anti-minority attitudes and Tea Party Movement membership
On the Social Foundations for Crimmigration: Latino Threat and Support for Expanded Police Powers
The Scary World of Online News? Internet News Exposure and Public Attitudes Toward Crime and Justice
Religion, Race, and Othering Barack Obama
The nascent literature on the propensity to endorse conspiratorial views of President Barack Obama suggests that such sentiments may be grounded in racial animus or political partisanship. Yet to date, little attention has been paid to the religious elements that may underlie such claims. We extend the research in this area by using a national survey to assess the relationship between white conservative Protestant affiliation and an inclination t…
Blame Their Mothers: Public Opinion About Maternal Employment as a Cause of Juvenile Delinquency
Juvenile justice reformers and practitioners have long blamed mothers for juvenile delinquency, identifying maternal employment as a key cause of youthful offending. The current study uses data from registered voters ( N = 10,144) to examine public views about whether maternal employment in two-parent households promotes juvenile delinquency. The results show that only a small minority of citizens blame working mothers for youth crime. The findin…
A Few Clarifying Comments on Pickett and Roche (2016)
Reintegrative Populism: Public Opinion and the Criminology of Downsizing
Arrested Development: Misguided Directions in Deterrence Theory and Policy
Research Summary Deterrence theory assumes that objective and subjective sanction risk are positively related. If this assumption holds true, then the theory is useful for guiding criminal justice policy and practice. However, prior research has failed to support the assumption. Prominent review articles have dismissed this literature on the basis of methodological critiques, and they have presented certain requirements for future deterrence rese…
Offender Decision-Making in Criminology: Contributions from Behavioral Economics
If there is agency and some decision-making process entailed in criminal behavior, then what are the incentives for crime and for conformity, and what is their role in offending decisions? Incentives have long been the province of economics, which has wide influence in criminology (e.g., Becker 1968 ). However, economics has evolved considerably since Becker's influential model. An important development has been the advent of behavioral economics…
Police research, officer surveys, and response rates
In recent years, policing scholars have increasingly used survey methods to gain insight into officers’ attitudes and behaviours. Yet, surprisingly, methodological research analysing surveys of police officers is rare. We analysed the extent and correlates of response rates in police surveys, providing insights about the survey design features and study characteristics associated with higher rates of officer participation. We examined the respons…
Third-person perceptions, hostile media effects, and policing: Developing a theoretical framework for assessing the Ferguson effect
Procedurally just cooperation: Explaining support for due process reforms in policing
Psychology (76 works) · Political science (72 works) · Criminology (70 works) · Law (64 works) · Crime Patterns and Interventions (61 works) · Social Psychology (59 works) · Sociology (44 works) · Politics (38 works) · Law (36 works) · Social Psychology (32 works)