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Stefan Gänzle

Biographic Data

ID1582889
NAMEStefan Gänzle
GIVEN NAMESStefan
FAMILY NAMEGänzle
SIGNATUREGÄNZLE S
AFFILIATIONSUniversity of Agder
ORCID0000-0002-9421-109X
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS28
TOTAL CITATIONS183
AUTHOR COUNT28
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2002
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2024
H-INDEX6
  • Differentiated disintegration in the Economic Community of West African States, the Eurasian Economic Community and the European Union: A comparative regionalism approach

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Jens Uwe Wunderlich et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of European Integration•2024•Cited by: 2•References: 24

    The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union has sparked interest in voluntary withdrawals from regional organisations (RO). While Brexit is a well-researched subject, other exits from ROs around the globe have been somewhat neglected. We still know relatively little about states' motivations to leave and how such exits play out in the short and long run. This article addresses both gaps. First, it conceptualises withdrawals from ROs a…

  • The organisational dimension of executive authority in the Global South: Insights from the AU and Ecowas commissions

    Open Access•Jarle Trondal, Thomas Kwasi Tieku et al.•ARTICLE•Global Policy•2023

    The growing importance of executive authority at the international level has fuelled scholarly debate about the level of autonomy enjoyed by international public administration (IPA), that is, the executive arms of international organisations. Insights from IPAs in the West or Global North, such as the European Union, have largely shaped these debates, whereas data from IPAs in the Global South are largely missing in the discussion. This article …

  • Governing the Baltic Sea Region at critical junctures (1991–2021): How do transnational and intergovernmental organizations cope with external regional change

    Stefan Gänzle, Kristine Kern et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2023•References: 22

    Since the end of the East-West conflict, various intergovernmental and transnational organizations have collectively governed the Baltic Sea Region. Exploring key features of the organizational architecture of three such organizations – HELCOM, the Council of the Baltic Sea States, and the Union of Baltic Cities – we ask how their institutions evolved in the aftermath of critical junctures affecting the region over the past three decades. Finding…

  • Recalibrating EU Foreign Policy Vis-à-vis Central Asia: Towards Principled Pragmatism and Resilience

    Open Access•Neil Winn, Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2023•Cited by: 5•References: 28

    With China and Russia acting more assertively vis-à-vis Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have gradually moved to the core of contemporary Eurasian geopolitics – albeit to varying degrees. The European Union (EU) has purposefully sought to promote its norms and values in the region for quite some time in the past. However, considering the ongoing Western “polycrisis” exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemi…

  • The behavioural logics of international public servants: The case of African Union Commission staff

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Cambridge Review of International…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 22

    Although international organisations (IOs) are created by governments, their international public administrations (IPAs) have succeeded in ring-fencing their resources, and policymaking from direct intervention by member states. Research shows that international civil servants are best able to protect their autonomy when embedded in large and well-resourced IPAs. Staff in large IOs use their huge size, bureaucratic complexities, and different beh…

  • International public administration on the tip of the tongue: Language as a feature of representative bureaucracy in the Economic Community of West African States

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Magali Gravier et al.•ARTICLE•International Review of…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 36

    Recent scholarship shows increasing interest in gender, ethnic or national representation within regional and international organizations. In contrast, language as a criterion of representation has rarely been scrutinized. We argue that this constitutes an important oversight for two reasons: (1) language is an important identity marker; and (2) language regimes in international public administrations can uniquely address representativeness relat…

  • Differentiation in the European Union in Post‐Brexit and ‐Pandemic Times: Macro‐Level Developments with Meso‐Level Consequences

    Open Access•Jarle Trondal, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2022•Cited by: 8•References: 46

    2021 marked the official start of a post-Brexit era for the European Union (EU) since the United Kingdom (UK) had only fully withdrawn when the transition period lapsed on 31 December 2020. The transition period prevented the EU and the UK from falling off a cliff before a mutual Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was to be ratified and implemented into UK law by Parliament before 1 January 2021. This cumbersome process marked the pinnacle of …

  • Transregional Europe

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Contemporary European…•2021•References: 1

    The book explores the transregional dimension of both the conception of European spatial planning as well as the activity and praxis of transnational collaboration in Europe. A particular emphasis is put on the EU’s ‘macro-regions’ which have been developed since 2009 in an attempt for forge functional collaboration across large-scale territories above the nation-states and going beyond mere cross-border cooperation

  • Party Positions on Differentiated European Integration in the Nordic Countries: Growing Together, Growing Apart

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Politics and Governance•2020•Cited by: 2•References: 15

    The Nordic countries constitute an interesting laboratory for the study of differentiated European Integration. Even though Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden share some historical, cultural, socio-economic and political characteristics, all those countries have ultimately opted for a different kind of relationship with the EU. Whereas Finland, a member of the Eurozone since its inception in 1999, has been considered to be part of the …

  • People who run African affairs: Staffing and recruitment in the African Union Commission

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Modern African…•2020•Cited by: 1•References: 31

    This study contributes to the field of International Public Administration (IPA) and the emerging area of Informal International Relations (IIR) by examining the politics of staffing and recruitment of the African Union Commission (AUC). Although the AUC has become a major political player in international affairs, there is a dearth of knowledge about the civil servants who work for the AUC and who run this paramount pan-African executive body. T…

  • Experimentalist governance beyond European Territorial Cooperation and cohesion policy: Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) as emerging ‘regional institutions’

    Stefan Gänzle, Jörg Mirtl•ARTICLE•Journal of European Integration•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 18

    Since 2009, the European Union (EU) has started to 'experiment' with new forms of territorial governance: Macro-regional strategies (MRS), such as the one for Baltic Sea Region, seek to mobilize a variety of actors and have resulted in a complex and dynamic governance architecture which can be conceived as a new 'regional institution' disposing of some form of authority and autonomy. We show that EU MRS are best conceived as test-bed for intergov…

  • Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union: Towards a Research Agenda

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Dominic Stead et al.•ARTICLE•Political Studies Review•2019•Cited by: 8•References: 45

    Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance archite…

  • Exploring Differentiated Disintegration in a Post‐Brexit European Union

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 48•References: 72

    In the aftermath of the British referendum to leave the European Union and the European Commission's ‘White Paper on the Future of Europe’, it is not only time to take stock of the existing literature on differentiated integration, but also to rethink the perimeters of disintegration. We argue that phenomena such as Brexit embrace forms of differentiation which trigger the need for conceptualizing differentiated disintegration altogether. This ar…

  • Differentiated Integration and Disintegration in the EU after Brexit: Risks versus Opportunities

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 35•References: 35

    Differentiation is becoming an increasingly salient feature of European integration. The multifaceted European crisis and the subsequent Brexit vote (paving the way for a ground‐breaking case of differentiated disintegration) have led scholars and practitioners to think about the consequences of differentiated integration. This article draws on five empirical models of differentiation experienced by countries both inside and outside the EU: the E…

  • Experimental Union’ and Baltic Sea cooperation: The case of the European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR)

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional Studies Regional Science•2018•Cited by: 4•References: 6

    In the past, Baltic Sea cooperation has been characterized by a plethora of actors, embracing a wide range of policy objectives, such as the establishment of a good environmental status for the regional sea. In 2009, the European Council endorsed the European Union’s (EU) Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR) as a new tool in the repertoire of Cohesion Policy and European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). The EUSBSR seeks to foster cross-secto…

  • Helsinki Revisited. A Key U.S. Negotiator’s Memoirs on the Development of the CSCE into the OSCE

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2017

    "Helsinki Revisited. A Key U.S. Negotiator’s Memoirs on the Development of the CSCE into the OSCE." Europe-Asia Studies, 69(1), pp. 180–181

  • New Europe’s New Development Aid

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2017

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union, Russia and multilevel governance in northern Europe

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 12

  • The European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR): Improving multilevel governance in Baltic Sea cooperation

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    Macro-regional strategies – such as the ones for the Baltic Sea, the Danube, the Ionian-Adriatic, and the Alpine regions – constitute new elements of European Union (EU) Cohesion Policy and territorial cooperation. In a nutshell, these strategies aim at building functional and transnational ‘macro-regions’ involving the EU, its member states, as well as partner countries within the EU’s system of multilevel governance (MLG). As the oldest macro-r…

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) and experimentalist design of multi-level governance: The case of the EU strategy for the Danube region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional & Federal Studies•2016•Cited by: 5•References: 9

    Placed within EU Cohesion policy and its objective of European territorial cooperation, macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) aim to improve functional cooperation and coherence across policy sectors at different levels of governance, involving both member and partner states, as well as public and private actors from the subnational level and civil society in a given ‘macro-region’. In forging a ‘macro-regional’ approach, the EU co…

  • Building Foreign Affairs Capacity in the Eu: The Recruitment of Member State Officials to the European External Action Service (Eeas)

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Public Administration•2013•Cited by: 6•References: 14

    The Treaty of Lisbon introduced common action capacities in the EU's external relations administration, notably the European External Action Service (EEAS). One essential capacity is staff resources. This article analyses to what extent and under what conditions the practice of staff recruitment to the EEAS is independent of government influence, and in particular the recruitment of officials temporarily assigned from EU member states. The data d…

  • How “African” Is the African Peace and Security Architecture? Conceptual and Practical Constraints of Regional Security Cooperation in Africa

    Benedikt Franke, Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security•2012•Cited by: 2

    With the creation of the African Peace and Security Architecture in 2004, African states were aiming to assume the primary responsibility for peace and security on the continent and establish a structure to assemble the necessary financial and military means. However, despite the constant evocation of “African ownership,” it is non-African actors that call the tune and can define and drive African security. Based on a detailed juxtaposition of rh…

  • Africom and US Africa policy: ‘Pentagonising’ Foreign Policy or Providing a Model for Joint Approaches

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security Review•2011•Cited by: 2

    The creation of the Africa Command (AFRICOM) has reflected the growth in the strategic importance of Africa in US foreign policy since the end of the 1990s. One of the objectives of this new geographical military command is to forge closer links between foreign, security and development policies. However, this approach met with a number of difficulties associated with the challenge of ‘inter-agency cooperation’ among rather disparate actors from …

  • Europeanization ‘Beyond’ Europe? EU Impact on Domestic Policies in the Russian Enclave of Kaliningrad

    Stefan Gänzle, Guido Müntel•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 4•References: 17

  • Introduction: Transnational Governance and Policy-Making in the Baltic Sea Region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 3•References: 1

    View correction statement:Erratum Notes 1. The average depth of the Baltic Sea is about 50 meters compared with the Mediterranean's 1500 meters. Only 3% of the water (by volume) is exchanged each year, so it takes more than 30 years for a total exchange. 2. Today it includes the following contracting parties: Denmark, Estonia, the European Community, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and Sweden. 3. It does not come as a surprise…

Next
  • Exploring Differentiated Disintegration in a Post‐Brexit European Union

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 48•References: 72

    In the aftermath of the British referendum to leave the European Union and the European Commission's ‘White Paper on the Future of Europe’, it is not only time to take stock of the existing literature on differentiated integration, but also to rethink the perimeters of disintegration. We argue that phenomena such as Brexit embrace forms of differentiation which trigger the need for conceptualizing differentiated disintegration altogether. This ar…

  • Differentiated Integration and Disintegration in the EU after Brexit: Risks versus Opportunities

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 35•References: 35

    Differentiation is becoming an increasingly salient feature of European integration. The multifaceted European crisis and the subsequent Brexit vote (paving the way for a ground‐breaking case of differentiated disintegration) have led scholars and practitioners to think about the consequences of differentiated integration. This article draws on five empirical models of differentiation experienced by countries both inside and outside the EU: the E…

  • An Alternative Theoretical Approach to EU Foreign Policy: `Network Governance' and the Case of the Northern Dimension Initiative

    Open Access•Mette Sicard Filtenborg, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•Cooperation and Conflict•2002•Cited by: 24•References: 16

    Events in the vicinity of the European Union are constantly challenging the EU's foreign policy, but complex internal governance processes have been hampering the EU from responding coherently. This analysis of the Northern Dimension Initiative considers whether the EU is compensating for this dilemma by adopting an innovative network governance strategy to integrate those external actors in the European North who can bring complementary resource…

  • EU Governance and the European Neighbourhood Policy: A Framework for Analysis

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2009•Cited by: 15•References: 18

    The author is grateful to Frank Schimmelfennig and Graham Timmins as well as the anonymous reviewers from Europe-Asia Studies for comments on earlier drafts of this article. Since 2002 the European

  • Differentiation in the European Union in Post‐Brexit and ‐Pandemic Times: Macro‐Level Developments with Meso‐Level Consequences

    Open Access•Jarle Trondal, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2022•Cited by: 8•References: 46

    2021 marked the official start of a post-Brexit era for the European Union (EU) since the United Kingdom (UK) had only fully withdrawn when the transition period lapsed on 31 December 2020. The transition period prevented the EU and the UK from falling off a cliff before a mutual Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was to be ratified and implemented into UK law by Parliament before 1 January 2021. This cumbersome process marked the pinnacle of …

  • Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union: Towards a Research Agenda

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Dominic Stead et al.•ARTICLE•Political Studies Review•2019•Cited by: 8•References: 45

    Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance archite…

  • Building Foreign Affairs Capacity in the Eu: The Recruitment of Member State Officials to the European External Action Service (Eeas)

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Public Administration•2013•Cited by: 6•References: 14

    The Treaty of Lisbon introduced common action capacities in the EU's external relations administration, notably the European External Action Service (EEAS). One essential capacity is staff resources. This article analyses to what extent and under what conditions the practice of staff recruitment to the EEAS is independent of government influence, and in particular the recruitment of officials temporarily assigned from EU member states. The data d…

  • Recalibrating EU Foreign Policy Vis-à-vis Central Asia: Towards Principled Pragmatism and Resilience

    Open Access•Neil Winn, Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2023•Cited by: 5•References: 28

    With China and Russia acting more assertively vis-à-vis Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have gradually moved to the core of contemporary Eurasian geopolitics – albeit to varying degrees. The European Union (EU) has purposefully sought to promote its norms and values in the region for quite some time in the past. However, considering the ongoing Western “polycrisis” exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemi…

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) and experimentalist design of multi-level governance: The case of the EU strategy for the Danube region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional & Federal Studies•2016•Cited by: 5•References: 9

    Placed within EU Cohesion policy and its objective of European territorial cooperation, macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) aim to improve functional cooperation and coherence across policy sectors at different levels of governance, involving both member and partner states, as well as public and private actors from the subnational level and civil society in a given ‘macro-region’. In forging a ‘macro-regional’ approach, the EU co…

  • Experimental Union’ and Baltic Sea cooperation: The case of the European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR)

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional Studies Regional Science•2018•Cited by: 4•References: 6

    In the past, Baltic Sea cooperation has been characterized by a plethora of actors, embracing a wide range of policy objectives, such as the establishment of a good environmental status for the regional sea. In 2009, the European Council endorsed the European Union’s (EU) Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR) as a new tool in the repertoire of Cohesion Policy and European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). The EUSBSR seeks to foster cross-secto…

  • Europeanization ‘Beyond’ Europe? EU Impact on Domestic Policies in the Russian Enclave of Kaliningrad

    Stefan Gänzle, Guido Müntel•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 4•References: 17

  • The European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR): Improving multilevel governance in Baltic Sea cooperation

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    Macro-regional strategies – such as the ones for the Baltic Sea, the Danube, the Ionian-Adriatic, and the Alpine regions – constitute new elements of European Union (EU) Cohesion Policy and territorial cooperation. In a nutshell, these strategies aim at building functional and transnational ‘macro-regions’ involving the EU, its member states, as well as partner countries within the EU’s system of multilevel governance (MLG). As the oldest macro-r…

  • Introduction: Transnational Governance and Policy-Making in the Baltic Sea Region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 3•References: 1

    View correction statement:Erratum Notes 1. The average depth of the Baltic Sea is about 50 meters compared with the Mediterranean's 1500 meters. Only 3% of the water (by volume) is exchanged each year, so it takes more than 30 years for a total exchange. 2. Today it includes the following contracting parties: Denmark, Estonia, the European Community, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and Sweden. 3. It does not come as a surprise…

  • Differentiated disintegration in the Economic Community of West African States, the Eurasian Economic Community and the European Union: A comparative regionalism approach

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Jens Uwe Wunderlich et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of European Integration•2024•Cited by: 2•References: 24

    The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union has sparked interest in voluntary withdrawals from regional organisations (RO). While Brexit is a well-researched subject, other exits from ROs around the globe have been somewhat neglected. We still know relatively little about states' motivations to leave and how such exits play out in the short and long run. This article addresses both gaps. First, it conceptualises withdrawals from ROs a…

  • The behavioural logics of international public servants: The case of African Union Commission staff

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Cambridge Review of International…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 22

    Although international organisations (IOs) are created by governments, their international public administrations (IPAs) have succeeded in ring-fencing their resources, and policymaking from direct intervention by member states. Research shows that international civil servants are best able to protect their autonomy when embedded in large and well-resourced IPAs. Staff in large IOs use their huge size, bureaucratic complexities, and different beh…

  • International public administration on the tip of the tongue: Language as a feature of representative bureaucracy in the Economic Community of West African States

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Magali Gravier et al.•ARTICLE•International Review of…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 36

    Recent scholarship shows increasing interest in gender, ethnic or national representation within regional and international organizations. In contrast, language as a criterion of representation has rarely been scrutinized. We argue that this constitutes an important oversight for two reasons: (1) language is an important identity marker; and (2) language regimes in international public administrations can uniquely address representativeness relat…

  • Party Positions on Differentiated European Integration in the Nordic Countries: Growing Together, Growing Apart

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Politics and Governance•2020•Cited by: 2•References: 15

    The Nordic countries constitute an interesting laboratory for the study of differentiated European Integration. Even though Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden share some historical, cultural, socio-economic and political characteristics, all those countries have ultimately opted for a different kind of relationship with the EU. Whereas Finland, a member of the Eurozone since its inception in 1999, has been considered to be part of the …

  • How “African” Is the African Peace and Security Architecture? Conceptual and Practical Constraints of Regional Security Cooperation in Africa

    Benedikt Franke, Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security•2012•Cited by: 2

    With the creation of the African Peace and Security Architecture in 2004, African states were aiming to assume the primary responsibility for peace and security on the continent and establish a structure to assemble the necessary financial and military means. However, despite the constant evocation of “African ownership,” it is non-African actors that call the tune and can define and drive African security. Based on a detailed juxtaposition of rh…

  • Africom and US Africa policy: ‘Pentagonising’ Foreign Policy or Providing a Model for Joint Approaches

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security Review•2011•Cited by: 2

    The creation of the Africa Command (AFRICOM) has reflected the growth in the strategic importance of Africa in US foreign policy since the end of the 1990s. One of the objectives of this new geographical military command is to forge closer links between foreign, security and development policies. However, this approach met with a number of difficulties associated with the challenge of ‘inter-agency cooperation’ among rather disparate actors from …

  • People who run African affairs: Staffing and recruitment in the African Union Commission

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Modern African…•2020•Cited by: 1•References: 31

    This study contributes to the field of International Public Administration (IPA) and the emerging area of Informal International Relations (IIR) by examining the politics of staffing and recruitment of the African Union Commission (AUC). Although the AUC has become a major political player in international affairs, there is a dearth of knowledge about the civil servants who work for the AUC and who run this paramount pan-African executive body. T…

  • Experimentalist governance beyond European Territorial Cooperation and cohesion policy: Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) as emerging ‘regional institutions’

    Stefan Gänzle, Jörg Mirtl•ARTICLE•Journal of European Integration•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 18

    Since 2009, the European Union (EU) has started to 'experiment' with new forms of territorial governance: Macro-regional strategies (MRS), such as the one for Baltic Sea Region, seek to mobilize a variety of actors and have resulted in a complex and dynamic governance architecture which can be conceived as a new 'regional institution' disposing of some form of authority and autonomy. We show that EU MRS are best conceived as test-bed for intergov…

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union, Russia and multilevel governance in northern Europe

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 12

  • An Alternative Theoretical Approach to EU Foreign Policy: `Network Governance' and the Case of the Northern Dimension Initiative

    Open Access•Mette Sicard Filtenborg, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•Cooperation and Conflict•2002•Cited by: 24•References: 16

    Events in the vicinity of the European Union are constantly challenging the EU's foreign policy, but complex internal governance processes have been hampering the EU from responding coherently. This analysis of the Northern Dimension Initiative considers whether the EU is compensating for this dilemma by adopting an innovative network governance strategy to integrate those external actors in the European North who can bring complementary resource…

  • “So, the European Union is 50…”: Images of the EU and the 2007 German Presidency in Canadian News

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Steffi Retzlaff•ARTICLE•International Journal Canada s…•2008

    Canadians in particular are in danger of becoming Europhobic the result of hostile media coverage of Europe.... That is mistake, because the EU - portrayed by the media bloated, antidemocratic superstate - has been success story in creating an economically powerful union of 27 countries.1Whether Canadians will become as Europhobic the British is to some extent in the hands of the media, who play vital sociopolitical role. Since reality is partial…

  • EU Governance and the European Neighbourhood Policy: A Framework for Analysis

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2009•Cited by: 15•References: 18

    The author is grateful to Frank Schimmelfennig and Graham Timmins as well as the anonymous reviewers from Europe-Asia Studies for comments on earlier drafts of this article. Since 2002 the European

  • Africom and US Africa policy: ‘Pentagonising’ Foreign Policy or Providing a Model for Joint Approaches

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security Review•2011•Cited by: 2

    The creation of the Africa Command (AFRICOM) has reflected the growth in the strategic importance of Africa in US foreign policy since the end of the 1990s. One of the objectives of this new geographical military command is to forge closer links between foreign, security and development policies. However, this approach met with a number of difficulties associated with the challenge of ‘inter-agency cooperation’ among rather disparate actors from …

  • Europeanization ‘Beyond’ Europe? EU Impact on Domestic Policies in the Russian Enclave of Kaliningrad

    Stefan Gänzle, Guido Müntel•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 4•References: 17

  • Introduction: Transnational Governance and Policy-Making in the Baltic Sea Region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2011•Cited by: 3•References: 1

    View correction statement:Erratum Notes 1. The average depth of the Baltic Sea is about 50 meters compared with the Mediterranean's 1500 meters. Only 3% of the water (by volume) is exchanged each year, so it takes more than 30 years for a total exchange. 2. Today it includes the following contracting parties: Denmark, Estonia, the European Community, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and Sweden. 3. It does not come as a surprise…

  • How “African” Is the African Peace and Security Architecture? Conceptual and Practical Constraints of Regional Security Cooperation in Africa

    Benedikt Franke, Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•African Security•2012•Cited by: 2

    With the creation of the African Peace and Security Architecture in 2004, African states were aiming to assume the primary responsibility for peace and security on the continent and establish a structure to assemble the necessary financial and military means. However, despite the constant evocation of “African ownership,” it is non-African actors that call the tune and can define and drive African security. Based on a detailed juxtaposition of rh…

  • Building Foreign Affairs Capacity in the Eu: The Recruitment of Member State Officials to the European External Action Service (Eeas)

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Public Administration•2013•Cited by: 6•References: 14

    The Treaty of Lisbon introduced common action capacities in the EU's external relations administration, notably the European External Action Service (EEAS). One essential capacity is staff resources. This article analyses to what extent and under what conditions the practice of staff recruitment to the EEAS is independent of government influence, and in particular the recruitment of officials temporarily assigned from EU member states. The data d…

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) and experimentalist design of multi-level governance: The case of the EU strategy for the Danube region

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional & Federal Studies•2016•Cited by: 5•References: 9

    Placed within EU Cohesion policy and its objective of European territorial cooperation, macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) aim to improve functional cooperation and coherence across policy sectors at different levels of governance, involving both member and partner states, as well as public and private actors from the subnational level and civil society in a given ‘macro-region’. In forging a ‘macro-regional’ approach, the EU co…

  • Helsinki Revisited. A Key U.S. Negotiator’s Memoirs on the Development of the CSCE into the OSCE

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2017

    "Helsinki Revisited. A Key U.S. Negotiator’s Memoirs on the Development of the CSCE into the OSCE." Europe-Asia Studies, 69(1), pp. 180–181

  • New Europe’s New Development Aid

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2017

  • Macro-regional strategies of the European Union, Russia and multilevel governance in northern Europe

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 12

  • The European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR): Improving multilevel governance in Baltic Sea cooperation

    Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Baltic Studies•2017•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    Macro-regional strategies – such as the ones for the Baltic Sea, the Danube, the Ionian-Adriatic, and the Alpine regions – constitute new elements of European Union (EU) Cohesion Policy and territorial cooperation. In a nutshell, these strategies aim at building functional and transnational ‘macro-regions’ involving the EU, its member states, as well as partner countries within the EU’s system of multilevel governance (MLG). As the oldest macro-r…

  • Experimental Union’ and Baltic Sea cooperation: The case of the European Union’s Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR)

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Regional Studies Regional Science•2018•Cited by: 4•References: 6

    In the past, Baltic Sea cooperation has been characterized by a plethora of actors, embracing a wide range of policy objectives, such as the establishment of a good environmental status for the regional sea. In 2009, the European Council endorsed the European Union’s (EU) Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR) as a new tool in the repertoire of Cohesion Policy and European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). The EUSBSR seeks to foster cross-secto…

  • Experimentalist governance beyond European Territorial Cooperation and cohesion policy: Macro-regional strategies of the European Union (EU) as emerging ‘regional institutions’

    Stefan Gänzle, Jörg Mirtl•ARTICLE•Journal of European Integration•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 18

    Since 2009, the European Union (EU) has started to 'experiment' with new forms of territorial governance: Macro-regional strategies (MRS), such as the one for Baltic Sea Region, seek to mobilize a variety of actors and have resulted in a complex and dynamic governance architecture which can be conceived as a new 'regional institution' disposing of some form of authority and autonomy. We show that EU MRS are best conceived as test-bed for intergov…

  • Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union: Towards a Research Agenda

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle, Dominic Stead et al.•ARTICLE•Political Studies Review•2019•Cited by: 8•References: 45

    Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance archite…

  • Exploring Differentiated Disintegration in a Post‐Brexit European Union

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 48•References: 72

    In the aftermath of the British referendum to leave the European Union and the European Commission's ‘White Paper on the Future of Europe’, it is not only time to take stock of the existing literature on differentiated integration, but also to rethink the perimeters of disintegration. We argue that phenomena such as Brexit embrace forms of differentiation which trigger the need for conceptualizing differentiated disintegration altogether. This ar…

  • Differentiated Integration and Disintegration in the EU after Brexit: Risks versus Opportunities

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2019•Cited by: 35•References: 35

    Differentiation is becoming an increasingly salient feature of European integration. The multifaceted European crisis and the subsequent Brexit vote (paving the way for a ground‐breaking case of differentiated disintegration) have led scholars and practitioners to think about the consequences of differentiated integration. This article draws on five empirical models of differentiation experienced by countries both inside and outside the EU: the E…

  • Party Positions on Differentiated European Integration in the Nordic Countries: Growing Together, Growing Apart

    Open Access•Benjamin Leruth, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Politics and Governance•2020•Cited by: 2•References: 15

    The Nordic countries constitute an interesting laboratory for the study of differentiated European Integration. Even though Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden share some historical, cultural, socio-economic and political characteristics, all those countries have ultimately opted for a different kind of relationship with the EU. Whereas Finland, a member of the Eurozone since its inception in 1999, has been considered to be part of the …

  • People who run African affairs: Staffing and recruitment in the African Union Commission

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Modern African…•2020•Cited by: 1•References: 31

    This study contributes to the field of International Public Administration (IPA) and the emerging area of Informal International Relations (IIR) by examining the politics of staffing and recruitment of the African Union Commission (AUC). Although the AUC has become a major political player in international affairs, there is a dearth of knowledge about the civil servants who work for the AUC and who run this paramount pan-African executive body. T…

  • Transregional Europe

    Open Access•Stefan Gänzle•ARTICLE•Journal of Contemporary European…•2021•References: 1

    The book explores the transregional dimension of both the conception of European spatial planning as well as the activity and praxis of transnational collaboration in Europe. A particular emphasis is put on the EU’s ‘macro-regions’ which have been developed since 2009 in an attempt for forge functional collaboration across large-scale territories above the nation-states and going beyond mere cross-border cooperation

  • The behavioural logics of international public servants: The case of African Union Commission staff

    Open Access•Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Jarle Trondal et al.•ARTICLE•Cambridge Review of International…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 22

    Although international organisations (IOs) are created by governments, their international public administrations (IPAs) have succeeded in ring-fencing their resources, and policymaking from direct intervention by member states. Research shows that international civil servants are best able to protect their autonomy when embedded in large and well-resourced IPAs. Staff in large IOs use their huge size, bureaucratic complexities, and different beh…

  • International public administration on the tip of the tongue: Language as a feature of representative bureaucracy in the Economic Community of West African States

    Open Access•Zuzana Murdoch, Magali Gravier et al.•ARTICLE•International Review of…•2022•Cited by: 2•References: 36

    Recent scholarship shows increasing interest in gender, ethnic or national representation within regional and international organizations. In contrast, language as a criterion of representation has rarely been scrutinized. We argue that this constitutes an important oversight for two reasons: (1) language is an important identity marker; and (2) language regimes in international public administrations can uniquely address representativeness relat…

  • Differentiation in the European Union in Post‐Brexit and ‐Pandemic Times: Macro‐Level Developments with Meso‐Level Consequences

    Open Access•Jarle Trondal, Stefan Gänzle et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2022•Cited by: 8•References: 46

    2021 marked the official start of a post-Brexit era for the European Union (EU) since the United Kingdom (UK) had only fully withdrawn when the transition period lapsed on 31 December 2020. The transition period prevented the EU and the UK from falling off a cliff before a mutual Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was to be ratified and implemented into UK law by Parliament before 1 January 2021. This cumbersome process marked the pinnacle of …

  • The organisational dimension of executive authority in the Global South: Insights from the AU and Ecowas commissions

    Open Access•Jarle Trondal, Thomas Kwasi Tieku et al.•ARTICLE•Global Policy•2023

    The growing importance of executive authority at the international level has fuelled scholarly debate about the level of autonomy enjoyed by international public administration (IPA), that is, the executive arms of international organisations. Insights from IPAs in the West or Global North, such as the European Union, have largely shaped these debates, whereas data from IPAs in the Global South are largely missing in the discussion. This article …

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