Miriam Hänni
Biographic Data
| ID | 267306 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Miriam Hänni |
| GIVEN NAMES | Miriam |
| FAMILY NAME | Hänni |
| SIGNATURE | HÄNNI M |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Konstanz |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-8540-4044 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 140 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2012 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 6 |
Unemployment Scarring in the Early Career: Do Skills and Labour Demand Matter
Rocky school‐to‐work transition processes, characterized by spells of unemployment and education–job mismatch, can have long‐lasting scarring effects on young people and often lead to a loss of income and occupational status. However, the mechanisms that either foster or prevent unemployment scarring are underinvestigated. Our article thus asks whether vocational education and training (VET) diploma holders’ unemployment duration and the probabil…
Who benefits from the retrospective vote? Bringing in new parties
Democracies across the world have experienced the rise of new political parties. The dominant view of the model of (retrospective) economic voting implicitly assumes that the main beneficiary of electoral change is the established opposition. However, the rise of new political parties affects how we think of retrospective (economic) voting. This article presents a more nuanced picture of electoral change and considers when electoral turnover bene…
How proportional are electoral systems? A universal measure of electoral rules
The proportionality principle of electoral systems plays an important role in multiple literatures, including comparative politics, political economy, and conflict studies. The single most important electoral system feature used to determine whether an electoral system might provide for proportional outcomes is district magnitude, i.e., the number of representatives that are elected from a given district. However, once we move beyond "simple" sys…
Entry into and Completion of Vocational Baccalaureate School in Switzerland: Do Differences in Regional Admission Regulations Matter
Upper secondary education in Switzerland is divided into a general and a vocational path. Approximately two thirds of adolescents attend the vocational path. The initial vocational education and training (IVET) can be combined with a federal vocational baccalaureate (FVB), which enables graduates to enter universities of applied sciences. The proportion of FVB holders varies considerably between Swiss regions. We study how admission regulations a…
Responsiveness and Democratic Accountability: Observational Evidence from an Experiment in a Mixed‐Member Proportional System
Electoral systems provide distinctive accountability mechanisms in democratic polities and thereby affect government responsiveness to citizens. In this article, we concentrate on the effects of proportional vis‐à‐vis majoritarian electoral rules. We expect members of parliament to be more responsive under majoritarian rule, because these MPs have a direct mandate from their local constituency, are less dependent on their party, and can be held d…
Social status, political priorities and unequal representation
Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high‐ and low‐status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda‐setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why gove…
The three stages of the anti‐incumbency vote: Retrospective economic voting in young and established democracies
Economic prosperity is the best recipe for an incumbent government to be re‐elected. However, the financial crisis was significantly more consequential for governing parties in young rather than in established democracies. This article introduces the age of democracy as a contextual explanation which moderates the degree to which citizens vote retrospectively. It shows a curvilinear effect of the age of democracy on retrospective economic voting.…
Two Sides of the Same Coin? Congruence and Responsiveness as Representative Democracy's Currencies
The public opinion–policy linkage has received scholarly attention for a long time. After all, this linkage is not only a key characteristic of democracy, but one of the most important aspects and quality criteria of a functioning representative democracy. Despite more than 50 years of political science research, there is still a lot of controversy about how the linkage between public opinion and policy actually works. Two related but distinct st…
Inclusion and responsiveness: Disentangling Political Representation and Its Effect on Ethnic Protests in Electoral Democracies
Political representation is crucial for the political stability of plural societies. It contributes to political stability by fostering feelings of inclusion and belonging among the minority or by affecting policy responsiveness. Previous research confounds these two types of representation by using descriptive representation as a proxy for policy responsiveness, although the relation between the two is not self-evident as minority representative…
What Democracy Do We Want? The Problematic Focus on the Median Voter
One of the key principles of democracy is responsiveness (May 1978: 1). Democracy is based on institutions, which allow citizens to control their governments by granting them a political mandate based on citizens’ policy-making preferences, and revoking it in subsequent elections if the government does not respond to citizens’ expectations. However, in all democracies the interests and preferences of citizens on political issues vary. As citizens…
Responsiveness – To Whom? Why the Primacy of the Median Voter Alienates Minorities
Many see responsiveness towards the majority as sufficient for democracy because no other policy position receives more support. By contrast, I argue that the primacy of the majority is normatively and empirically problematic. From a normative point of view a ‘good’ democracy not only needs to maximise the influence of the majority but must also protect minorities against oppression by the majority population. These two goals are difficult to rec…
Presence, Representation, and Impact: How Minority MPs Affect Policy Outcomes
Many ethnic minorities demand (adequate) descriptive representation in parliament because they expect it to affect the responsiveness of governments towards their demands. However, the mechanism of how minority representatives affect policy outcomes remains unclear. I argue that descriptive representation mainly has an effect if representatives possess additional leverage to influence policy outcomes. The argument is tested with hierarchical time…
Creating a 'We-feeling' in Heterogeneous Nations: A Cross-country Investigation of the Impact of Inclusion and Autonomy on the National Pride of Ethnic Minorities
In this contribution, we investigate the impact of different institutions on ethnic minorities' political support. Based on a hierarchical cross-country comparison, we first show that individuals belonging to ethnic minorities have less national identity than the majority groups within the same country. We then test whether this negative effect of belonging to ethnic minorities can be attenuated by institutions. First, we argue that the inclusion…
Two Sides of the Same Coin? Congruence and Responsiveness as Representative Democracy's Currencies
The public opinion–policy linkage has received scholarly attention for a long time. After all, this linkage is not only a key characteristic of democracy, but one of the most important aspects and quality criteria of a functioning representative democracy. Despite more than 50 years of political science research, there is still a lot of controversy about how the linkage between public opinion and policy actually works. Two related but distinct st…
Social status, political priorities and unequal representation
Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high‐ and low‐status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda‐setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why gove…
Presence, Representation, and Impact: How Minority MPs Affect Policy Outcomes
Many ethnic minorities demand (adequate) descriptive representation in parliament because they expect it to affect the responsiveness of governments towards their demands. However, the mechanism of how minority representatives affect policy outcomes remains unclear. I argue that descriptive representation mainly has an effect if representatives possess additional leverage to influence policy outcomes. The argument is tested with hierarchical time…
Responsiveness and Democratic Accountability: Observational Evidence from an Experiment in a Mixed‐Member Proportional System
Electoral systems provide distinctive accountability mechanisms in democratic polities and thereby affect government responsiveness to citizens. In this article, we concentrate on the effects of proportional vis‐à‐vis majoritarian electoral rules. We expect members of parliament to be more responsive under majoritarian rule, because these MPs have a direct mandate from their local constituency, are less dependent on their party, and can be held d…
Responsiveness – To Whom? Why the Primacy of the Median Voter Alienates Minorities
Many see responsiveness towards the majority as sufficient for democracy because no other policy position receives more support. By contrast, I argue that the primacy of the majority is normatively and empirically problematic. From a normative point of view a ‘good’ democracy not only needs to maximise the influence of the majority but must also protect minorities against oppression by the majority population. These two goals are difficult to rec…
The three stages of the anti‐incumbency vote: Retrospective economic voting in young and established democracies
Economic prosperity is the best recipe for an incumbent government to be re‐elected. However, the financial crisis was significantly more consequential for governing parties in young rather than in established democracies. This article introduces the age of democracy as a contextual explanation which moderates the degree to which citizens vote retrospectively. It shows a curvilinear effect of the age of democracy on retrospective economic voting.…
Creating a 'We-feeling' in Heterogeneous Nations: A Cross-country Investigation of the Impact of Inclusion and Autonomy on the National Pride of Ethnic Minorities
In this contribution, we investigate the impact of different institutions on ethnic minorities' political support. Based on a hierarchical cross-country comparison, we first show that individuals belonging to ethnic minorities have less national identity than the majority groups within the same country. We then test whether this negative effect of belonging to ethnic minorities can be attenuated by institutions. First, we argue that the inclusion…
Inclusion and responsiveness: Disentangling Political Representation and Its Effect on Ethnic Protests in Electoral Democracies
Political representation is crucial for the political stability of plural societies. It contributes to political stability by fostering feelings of inclusion and belonging among the minority or by affecting policy responsiveness. Previous research confounds these two types of representation by using descriptive representation as a proxy for policy responsiveness, although the relation between the two is not self-evident as minority representative…
What Democracy Do We Want? The Problematic Focus on the Median Voter
One of the key principles of democracy is responsiveness (May 1978: 1). Democracy is based on institutions, which allow citizens to control their governments by granting them a political mandate based on citizens’ policy-making preferences, and revoking it in subsequent elections if the government does not respond to citizens’ expectations. However, in all democracies the interests and preferences of citizens on political issues vary. As citizens…
How proportional are electoral systems? A universal measure of electoral rules
The proportionality principle of electoral systems plays an important role in multiple literatures, including comparative politics, political economy, and conflict studies. The single most important electoral system feature used to determine whether an electoral system might provide for proportional outcomes is district magnitude, i.e., the number of representatives that are elected from a given district. However, once we move beyond "simple" sys…
Who benefits from the retrospective vote? Bringing in new parties
Democracies across the world have experienced the rise of new political parties. The dominant view of the model of (retrospective) economic voting implicitly assumes that the main beneficiary of electoral change is the established opposition. However, the rise of new political parties affects how we think of retrospective (economic) voting. This article presents a more nuanced picture of electoral change and considers when electoral turnover bene…
Creating a 'We-feeling' in Heterogeneous Nations: A Cross-country Investigation of the Impact of Inclusion and Autonomy on the National Pride of Ethnic Minorities
In this contribution, we investigate the impact of different institutions on ethnic minorities' political support. Based on a hierarchical cross-country comparison, we first show that individuals belonging to ethnic minorities have less national identity than the majority groups within the same country. We then test whether this negative effect of belonging to ethnic minorities can be attenuated by institutions. First, we argue that the inclusion…
What Democracy Do We Want? The Problematic Focus on the Median Voter
One of the key principles of democracy is responsiveness (May 1978: 1). Democracy is based on institutions, which allow citizens to control their governments by granting them a political mandate based on citizens’ policy-making preferences, and revoking it in subsequent elections if the government does not respond to citizens’ expectations. However, in all democracies the interests and preferences of citizens on political issues vary. As citizens…
Responsiveness – To Whom? Why the Primacy of the Median Voter Alienates Minorities
Many see responsiveness towards the majority as sufficient for democracy because no other policy position receives more support. By contrast, I argue that the primacy of the majority is normatively and empirically problematic. From a normative point of view a ‘good’ democracy not only needs to maximise the influence of the majority but must also protect minorities against oppression by the majority population. These two goals are difficult to rec…
Presence, Representation, and Impact: How Minority MPs Affect Policy Outcomes
Many ethnic minorities demand (adequate) descriptive representation in parliament because they expect it to affect the responsiveness of governments towards their demands. However, the mechanism of how minority representatives affect policy outcomes remains unclear. I argue that descriptive representation mainly has an effect if representatives possess additional leverage to influence policy outcomes. The argument is tested with hierarchical time…
Two Sides of the Same Coin? Congruence and Responsiveness as Representative Democracy's Currencies
The public opinion–policy linkage has received scholarly attention for a long time. After all, this linkage is not only a key characteristic of democracy, but one of the most important aspects and quality criteria of a functioning representative democracy. Despite more than 50 years of political science research, there is still a lot of controversy about how the linkage between public opinion and policy actually works. Two related but distinct st…
Inclusion and responsiveness: Disentangling Political Representation and Its Effect on Ethnic Protests in Electoral Democracies
Political representation is crucial for the political stability of plural societies. It contributes to political stability by fostering feelings of inclusion and belonging among the minority or by affecting policy responsiveness. Previous research confounds these two types of representation by using descriptive representation as a proxy for policy responsiveness, although the relation between the two is not self-evident as minority representative…
The three stages of the anti‐incumbency vote: Retrospective economic voting in young and established democracies
Economic prosperity is the best recipe for an incumbent government to be re‐elected. However, the financial crisis was significantly more consequential for governing parties in young rather than in established democracies. This article introduces the age of democracy as a contextual explanation which moderates the degree to which citizens vote retrospectively. It shows a curvilinear effect of the age of democracy on retrospective economic voting.…
Entry into and Completion of Vocational Baccalaureate School in Switzerland: Do Differences in Regional Admission Regulations Matter
Upper secondary education in Switzerland is divided into a general and a vocational path. Approximately two thirds of adolescents attend the vocational path. The initial vocational education and training (IVET) can be combined with a federal vocational baccalaureate (FVB), which enables graduates to enter universities of applied sciences. The proportion of FVB holders varies considerably between Swiss regions. We study how admission regulations a…
Responsiveness and Democratic Accountability: Observational Evidence from an Experiment in a Mixed‐Member Proportional System
Electoral systems provide distinctive accountability mechanisms in democratic polities and thereby affect government responsiveness to citizens. In this article, we concentrate on the effects of proportional vis‐à‐vis majoritarian electoral rules. We expect members of parliament to be more responsive under majoritarian rule, because these MPs have a direct mandate from their local constituency, are less dependent on their party, and can be held d…
Social status, political priorities and unequal representation
Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high‐ and low‐status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda‐setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why gove…
Who benefits from the retrospective vote? Bringing in new parties
Democracies across the world have experienced the rise of new political parties. The dominant view of the model of (retrospective) economic voting implicitly assumes that the main beneficiary of electoral change is the established opposition. However, the rise of new political parties affects how we think of retrospective (economic) voting. This article presents a more nuanced picture of electoral change and considers when electoral turnover bene…
How proportional are electoral systems? A universal measure of electoral rules
The proportionality principle of electoral systems plays an important role in multiple literatures, including comparative politics, political economy, and conflict studies. The single most important electoral system feature used to determine whether an electoral system might provide for proportional outcomes is district magnitude, i.e., the number of representatives that are elected from a given district. However, once we move beyond "simple" sys…
Unemployment Scarring in the Early Career: Do Skills and Labour Demand Matter
Rocky school‐to‐work transition processes, characterized by spells of unemployment and education–job mismatch, can have long‐lasting scarring effects on young people and often lead to a loss of income and occupational status. However, the mechanisms that either foster or prevent unemployment scarring are underinvestigated. Our article thus asks whether vocational education and training (VET) diploma holders’ unemployment duration and the probabil…
Political science (12 works) · Economics (11 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (11 works) · Law (11 works) · Politics (11 works) · Law (9 works) · Democracy (8 works) · Political economy (8 works) · Sociology (7 works) · Populism, Right-Wing Movements (5 works)