Jan Matti Dollbaum
Biographic Data
| ID | 4158690 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Jan Matti Dollbaum |
| GIVEN NAMES | Jan Matti |
| FAMILY NAME | Dollbaum |
| SIGNATURE | DOLLBAUM J M |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Bremen |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-3399-6137 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 25 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 92 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 25 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2017 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Antikriegsaktivismus in Russland – eine Übersicht
des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine im Februar 2022 versetzte die groe Mehrheit der russischen Gesellschaft und die Mehrheit der russischen Eliten in einen tiefen Schock.Fr einige Wochen bestand verbreitete Unsicherheit darber, wie diese Eskalation sich auf die innergesellschaftlichen Machtverhltnisse auswirken wrde, ob
Protests in Germany 2000–2020. A dataset based on local protest event data in Bremen, Dresden, Leipzig, and Stuttgart
In exploring protest dynamics, Protest Event Analysis (PEA) has proven an indispensable analytical tool. Most existing PEA datasets, however, rely on national newspapers. This article introduces a local PEA dataset ProLoc based on local newspapers in four German cities (2000-2020). We show how this dataset with its 8,190 events allows a more detailed look into trends in protest mobilisation than the national perspective. In particular, we show is…
Protest types and protester profiles: Testing meso−micro-associations between event characteristics and participant attitudes
When Topics of Protest and Counter-Protest Diverge: Asymmetrical Issue Contestation in Left-Right Street Confrontations
Works on protest counter-protest dynamics tend to assume that protesters and counter-protesters make competing claims about the same issue. This paper challenges this basic assumption. Based on an original dataset on local protests in Germany, it demonstrates that events that trigger a counter-protest and the response event, that is, the counter-protest, differ significantly in the issues they address. While a range of issues elicit counter-prote…
Local protest event analysis: Providing a More Comprehensive Picture
In exploring protest dynamics, Protest Event Analysis (PEA) has proven an indispensable analytic tool. Despite various improvements, PEA faces continuous challenges, notably the reproduction of media-specific selection biases. This research note aims to contribute to the literature seeking to mitigate these issues by exploring the potential of PEA based on local newspaper data, which tend to be less selective in their protest reporting. The artic…
Papea: A modular pipeline for the automation of protest event analysis
Protest event analysis (PEA) is the core method to understand spatial patterns and temporal dynamics of protest. We show how Large Language Models (LLM) can be used to automate the classification of protest events and of political event data more broadly with levels of accuracy comparable to humans, while reducing necessary annotation time by several orders of magnitude. We propose a modular pipeline for the automation of PEA (PAPEA) based on fin…
Digital ballots, partisan bias: Digital authoritarianism and support for internet voting in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine
Resisting the Far-Right: Explaining Divergent Countermobilization Trajectories in Two German Cities
This article explains the divergent trajectories of anti-far-right mobilization in two German cities: the campaign against the extreme-right movement Pegida in Dresden and its offshoot, Legida, in Leipzig. Drawing on a comparative case study, we argue that the interplay of three city-specific features—namely, activist coalitions, the city’s political identity, and elite support—account for the strength and cohesion of the countermobilization in L…
Going jingo: A classification of the wartime positions of Russia’s “systemic opposition” parties
This article explores the impact of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on party-system dynamics in Russia by analyzing the war-related communication of the five main "systemic opposition" parties, their leaders, and three Communist MPs who initially criticized the invasion. Examining their adoption of established pro-war regime propaganda (anti-Ukrainian, anti-Western, "Z-talk") or anti-war rhetoric, we assess the extent of rhetorical conver…
Publicize or Perish—Challenger party success through megaphones and locomotives
What makes some challenger parties succeed and others fail? Existing research on party‐level factors finds that it is essential for parties to close a representational gap. However, this condition cannot be sufficient. For each successful challenger, there are many others proclaiming a similar message but going unheard. Hence, we argue that, instead of only to the messages, more attention should be paid to parties’ abilities to communicate their …
The Activist Personality: Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Opposition Activism in Authoritarian Regimes
Why do people become opposition activists in authoritarian regimes where dissent invites social censure and can be dangerous? We make a new contribution to answering this classic question: personality. For the first time outside of democratic contexts, we investigate the association between personality traits and opposition activism, arguing that some traits work universally, while others interact with political context. We propose that—as in dem…
Lukashenka’s Constitutional Plebiscite and the Polarization of Belarusian Society
Aliaksandr Lukashenka pushed through an overhaul of Belarus’s constitution as a response to the protests against the official results of the 2020 presidential election. The goal was to address the desire for change among the population without reacting to the demand for snap elections. With the February 2022 constitutional plebiscite on the most far-ranging changes to Belarus’s constitution since 1994, Lukashenka further entrenched himself in pow…
Bedrohte Artenvielfalt: Potenzial und Gefährdung der Protestforschung in Russland
When Does Diffusing Protest Lead to Local Organization Building? Evidence from a Comparative Subnational Study of Russia’s “For Fair Elections” Movement
Under what conditions do nation-wide mass protests in authoritarian regimes produce new local activist organizations? Based on sixty-five interviews and over 1,000 media reports, internal documents, and social media posts, I compare the organization-building process in the “For Fair Elections” (FFE) protests of 2011–2012 across four Russian regions. I argue that mass protests are more likely to leave behind new social movement organizations (SMOs…
Navalny: Putin's Nemesis, Russia's Future?
Alexei Navalny—the anti-corruption activist and leading figure of the Russian opposition—was poisoned in August 2020. Following recovery in Germany, he returned to Russia in January 2021 in the full glare of the world’s media. But who exactly is Navalny? To some, he is a democratic hero. To others, he is a traitor. To others still, he is a dangerous nationalist. Media portrayals of Navalny are often black and white—of Navalny versus Vladimir Puti…
Using protest event analysis to study labour conflict in authoritarian regimes: The Monitoring of Labour Protest dataset
Navalny’s Digital Dissidents: A New Dataset on a Russian Opposition Movement
This research note introduces a new social media poll of supporters of Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, conducted during his presidential campaign in 2017–2018. Borrowing items from nationally representative surveys, we present respondents’ sociodemographics, political positions, and campaign experiences, differentiating between offline activists and online followers. We then discuss limitations and possible future applications of t…
Aktion und Reaktion: Russland: Protestbewegungen im autoritären System. Russia: protest movements within the authoritarian system
In Russia, the authoritarian regime has imposed increasingly stringent restrictions on civic life since 2000. Even so, protest movements still continue to exist to this day. When they have specific social or local goals, they are occasionally successful. However, if they direct their efforts against the regime as a whole, they are suppressed using the means of a police state. The regime sets the limits regarding what is deemed acceptable. Since t…
Social Policy on Social Media: How Opposition Actors Used Twitter and VKontakte to Oppose the Russian Pension Reform
How do opposition actors in electoral authoritarian regimes use social media to galvanize support? Based on 2,229 social media posts, I examine how Aleksey Navalny and the Communist Party (KPRF) politicize grievances about the pension reform of 2018 and use Twitter and VKontakte for protest mobilization. I find that Navalny integrates the reform in his narrative of government corruption and theft, strategically using the platforms' different adva…
Trajectories of political protest in post-Soviet spaces: An Introduction
KEYWORDS: political protestssocial movementsauthoritarian regimespolitical culturemulti-method approach
Protest trajectories in electoral authoritarianism: From Russia’s “For Fair Elections” movement to Alexei Navalny’s presidential campaign
How do protest movements affect electoral politics in electoral authoritarianism? Related research has usually focused on the immediate effects of protests on regime change, while longer time periods have received less attention. To address this shortcoming, this paper explores the 2017/18 presidential campaign of the Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny, asking how it was related to earlier contentious episodes, beginning with the countr…
Graduate Students & Special Programs Funded
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button
A top-down movement with grass-roots effects? Alexei Navalny’s electoral campaign
Today’s Russia is a hostile environment for genuine political activity, and especially for movements that aim at changing the current power structure. This is due to the factually limited manoeuvre space of oppositional actors who face obstacles in the form of repression, surveillance and restricted access to the public sphere. Moreover, society is largely apolitical, with political activity often considered futile, immoral, or dangerous. In this…
Civil society development in Russia and Ukraine: Diverging paths
The authors compare civil society development in Russia and Ukraine in recent years in terms of civil society’s structure and relationships with the state and the broader society. They find major differences in 1) the treatment of civil society by state actors and 2) the level of trust placed in civil society by the population. They use these and other findings to assess civil society’s ability to play economic, political and social roles as defi…
Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the ‘for fair elections’ protests 2011–2012
How does co-optation of oppositional party elites influence their protest behavior in times of cross-societal protest mobilization? Rational-Choice theories of authoritarian stability postulate that opposition elites receive material incentives in parliaments that motivate them to demobilize their radical supporters, which leads to increased regime stability. Based on a novel dataset, this article examines the protest behavior of the Russian parl…
Protest trajectories in electoral authoritarianism: From Russia’s “For Fair Elections” movement to Alexei Navalny’s presidential campaign
How do protest movements affect electoral politics in electoral authoritarianism? Related research has usually focused on the immediate effects of protests on regime change, while longer time periods have received less attention. To address this shortcoming, this paper explores the 2017/18 presidential campaign of the Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny, asking how it was related to earlier contentious episodes, beginning with the countr…
Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the ‘for fair elections’ protests 2011–2012
How does co-optation of oppositional party elites influence their protest behavior in times of cross-societal protest mobilization? Rational-Choice theories of authoritarian stability postulate that opposition elites receive material incentives in parliaments that motivate them to demobilize their radical supporters, which leads to increased regime stability. Based on a novel dataset, this article examines the protest behavior of the Russian parl…
The Activist Personality: Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Opposition Activism in Authoritarian Regimes
Why do people become opposition activists in authoritarian regimes where dissent invites social censure and can be dangerous? We make a new contribution to answering this classic question: personality. For the first time outside of democratic contexts, we investigate the association between personality traits and opposition activism, arguing that some traits work universally, while others interact with political context. We propose that—as in dem…
Going jingo: A classification of the wartime positions of Russia’s “systemic opposition” parties
This article explores the impact of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on party-system dynamics in Russia by analyzing the war-related communication of the five main "systemic opposition" parties, their leaders, and three Communist MPs who initially criticized the invasion. Examining their adoption of established pro-war regime propaganda (anti-Ukrainian, anti-Western, "Z-talk") or anti-war rhetoric, we assess the extent of rhetorical conver…
Social Policy on Social Media: How Opposition Actors Used Twitter and VKontakte to Oppose the Russian Pension Reform
How do opposition actors in electoral authoritarian regimes use social media to galvanize support? Based on 2,229 social media posts, I examine how Aleksey Navalny and the Communist Party (KPRF) politicize grievances about the pension reform of 2018 and use Twitter and VKontakte for protest mobilization. I find that Navalny integrates the reform in his narrative of government corruption and theft, strategically using the platforms' different adva…
A top-down movement with grass-roots effects? Alexei Navalny’s electoral campaign
Today’s Russia is a hostile environment for genuine political activity, and especially for movements that aim at changing the current power structure. This is due to the factually limited manoeuvre space of oppositional actors who face obstacles in the form of repression, surveillance and restricted access to the public sphere. Moreover, society is largely apolitical, with political activity often considered futile, immoral, or dangerous. In this…
Publicize or Perish—Challenger party success through megaphones and locomotives
What makes some challenger parties succeed and others fail? Existing research on party‐level factors finds that it is essential for parties to close a representational gap. However, this condition cannot be sufficient. For each successful challenger, there are many others proclaiming a similar message but going unheard. Hence, we argue that, instead of only to the messages, more attention should be paid to parties’ abilities to communicate their …
When Does Diffusing Protest Lead to Local Organization Building? Evidence from a Comparative Subnational Study of Russia’s “For Fair Elections” Movement
Under what conditions do nation-wide mass protests in authoritarian regimes produce new local activist organizations? Based on sixty-five interviews and over 1,000 media reports, internal documents, and social media posts, I compare the organization-building process in the “For Fair Elections” (FFE) protests of 2011–2012 across four Russian regions. I argue that mass protests are more likely to leave behind new social movement organizations (SMOs…
Digital ballots, partisan bias: Digital authoritarianism and support for internet voting in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine
Resisting the Far-Right: Explaining Divergent Countermobilization Trajectories in Two German Cities
This article explains the divergent trajectories of anti-far-right mobilization in two German cities: the campaign against the extreme-right movement Pegida in Dresden and its offshoot, Legida, in Leipzig. Drawing on a comparative case study, we argue that the interplay of three city-specific features—namely, activist coalitions, the city’s political identity, and elite support—account for the strength and cohesion of the countermobilization in L…
Lukashenka’s Constitutional Plebiscite and the Polarization of Belarusian Society
Aliaksandr Lukashenka pushed through an overhaul of Belarus’s constitution as a response to the protests against the official results of the 2020 presidential election. The goal was to address the desire for change among the population without reacting to the demand for snap elections. With the February 2022 constitutional plebiscite on the most far-ranging changes to Belarus’s constitution since 1994, Lukashenka further entrenched himself in pow…
Using protest event analysis to study labour conflict in authoritarian regimes: The Monitoring of Labour Protest dataset
Navalny’s Digital Dissidents: A New Dataset on a Russian Opposition Movement
This research note introduces a new social media poll of supporters of Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, conducted during his presidential campaign in 2017–2018. Borrowing items from nationally representative surveys, we present respondents’ sociodemographics, political positions, and campaign experiences, differentiating between offline activists and online followers. We then discuss limitations and possible future applications of t…
Trajectories of political protest in post-Soviet spaces: An Introduction
KEYWORDS: political protestssocial movementsauthoritarian regimespolitical culturemulti-method approach
Civil society development in Russia and Ukraine: Diverging paths
The authors compare civil society development in Russia and Ukraine in recent years in terms of civil society’s structure and relationships with the state and the broader society. They find major differences in 1) the treatment of civil society by state actors and 2) the level of trust placed in civil society by the population. They use these and other findings to assess civil society’s ability to play economic, political and social roles as defi…
Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the ‘for fair elections’ protests 2011–2012
How does co-optation of oppositional party elites influence their protest behavior in times of cross-societal protest mobilization? Rational-Choice theories of authoritarian stability postulate that opposition elites receive material incentives in parliaments that motivate them to demobilize their radical supporters, which leads to increased regime stability. Based on a novel dataset, this article examines the protest behavior of the Russian parl…
Graduate Students & Special Programs Funded
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button
A top-down movement with grass-roots effects? Alexei Navalny’s electoral campaign
Today’s Russia is a hostile environment for genuine political activity, and especially for movements that aim at changing the current power structure. This is due to the factually limited manoeuvre space of oppositional actors who face obstacles in the form of repression, surveillance and restricted access to the public sphere. Moreover, society is largely apolitical, with political activity often considered futile, immoral, or dangerous. In this…
Aktion und Reaktion: Russland: Protestbewegungen im autoritären System. Russia: protest movements within the authoritarian system
In Russia, the authoritarian regime has imposed increasingly stringent restrictions on civic life since 2000. Even so, protest movements still continue to exist to this day. When they have specific social or local goals, they are occasionally successful. However, if they direct their efforts against the regime as a whole, they are suppressed using the means of a police state. The regime sets the limits regarding what is deemed acceptable. Since t…
Social Policy on Social Media: How Opposition Actors Used Twitter and VKontakte to Oppose the Russian Pension Reform
How do opposition actors in electoral authoritarian regimes use social media to galvanize support? Based on 2,229 social media posts, I examine how Aleksey Navalny and the Communist Party (KPRF) politicize grievances about the pension reform of 2018 and use Twitter and VKontakte for protest mobilization. I find that Navalny integrates the reform in his narrative of government corruption and theft, strategically using the platforms' different adva…
Trajectories of political protest in post-Soviet spaces: An Introduction
KEYWORDS: political protestssocial movementsauthoritarian regimespolitical culturemulti-method approach
Protest trajectories in electoral authoritarianism: From Russia’s “For Fair Elections” movement to Alexei Navalny’s presidential campaign
How do protest movements affect electoral politics in electoral authoritarianism? Related research has usually focused on the immediate effects of protests on regime change, while longer time periods have received less attention. To address this shortcoming, this paper explores the 2017/18 presidential campaign of the Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny, asking how it was related to earlier contentious episodes, beginning with the countr…
Navalny: Putin's Nemesis, Russia's Future?
Alexei Navalny—the anti-corruption activist and leading figure of the Russian opposition—was poisoned in August 2020. Following recovery in Germany, he returned to Russia in January 2021 in the full glare of the world’s media. But who exactly is Navalny? To some, he is a democratic hero. To others, he is a traitor. To others still, he is a dangerous nationalist. Media portrayals of Navalny are often black and white—of Navalny versus Vladimir Puti…
Using protest event analysis to study labour conflict in authoritarian regimes: The Monitoring of Labour Protest dataset
Navalny’s Digital Dissidents: A New Dataset on a Russian Opposition Movement
This research note introduces a new social media poll of supporters of Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, conducted during his presidential campaign in 2017–2018. Borrowing items from nationally representative surveys, we present respondents’ sociodemographics, political positions, and campaign experiences, differentiating between offline activists and online followers. We then discuss limitations and possible future applications of t…
Bedrohte Artenvielfalt: Potenzial und Gefährdung der Protestforschung in Russland
When Does Diffusing Protest Lead to Local Organization Building? Evidence from a Comparative Subnational Study of Russia’s “For Fair Elections” Movement
Under what conditions do nation-wide mass protests in authoritarian regimes produce new local activist organizations? Based on sixty-five interviews and over 1,000 media reports, internal documents, and social media posts, I compare the organization-building process in the “For Fair Elections” (FFE) protests of 2011–2012 across four Russian regions. I argue that mass protests are more likely to leave behind new social movement organizations (SMOs…
Publicize or Perish—Challenger party success through megaphones and locomotives
What makes some challenger parties succeed and others fail? Existing research on party‐level factors finds that it is essential for parties to close a representational gap. However, this condition cannot be sufficient. For each successful challenger, there are many others proclaiming a similar message but going unheard. Hence, we argue that, instead of only to the messages, more attention should be paid to parties’ abilities to communicate their …
The Activist Personality: Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Opposition Activism in Authoritarian Regimes
Why do people become opposition activists in authoritarian regimes where dissent invites social censure and can be dangerous? We make a new contribution to answering this classic question: personality. For the first time outside of democratic contexts, we investigate the association between personality traits and opposition activism, arguing that some traits work universally, while others interact with political context. We propose that—as in dem…
Lukashenka’s Constitutional Plebiscite and the Polarization of Belarusian Society
Aliaksandr Lukashenka pushed through an overhaul of Belarus’s constitution as a response to the protests against the official results of the 2020 presidential election. The goal was to address the desire for change among the population without reacting to the demand for snap elections. With the February 2022 constitutional plebiscite on the most far-ranging changes to Belarus’s constitution since 1994, Lukashenka further entrenched himself in pow…
Going jingo: A classification of the wartime positions of Russia’s “systemic opposition” parties
This article explores the impact of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on party-system dynamics in Russia by analyzing the war-related communication of the five main "systemic opposition" parties, their leaders, and three Communist MPs who initially criticized the invasion. Examining their adoption of established pro-war regime propaganda (anti-Ukrainian, anti-Western, "Z-talk") or anti-war rhetoric, we assess the extent of rhetorical conver…
Protest types and protester profiles: Testing meso−micro-associations between event characteristics and participant attitudes
When Topics of Protest and Counter-Protest Diverge: Asymmetrical Issue Contestation in Left-Right Street Confrontations
Works on protest counter-protest dynamics tend to assume that protesters and counter-protesters make competing claims about the same issue. This paper challenges this basic assumption. Based on an original dataset on local protests in Germany, it demonstrates that events that trigger a counter-protest and the response event, that is, the counter-protest, differ significantly in the issues they address. While a range of issues elicit counter-prote…
Local protest event analysis: Providing a More Comprehensive Picture
In exploring protest dynamics, Protest Event Analysis (PEA) has proven an indispensable analytic tool. Despite various improvements, PEA faces continuous challenges, notably the reproduction of media-specific selection biases. This research note aims to contribute to the literature seeking to mitigate these issues by exploring the potential of PEA based on local newspaper data, which tend to be less selective in their protest reporting. The artic…
Papea: A modular pipeline for the automation of protest event analysis
Protest event analysis (PEA) is the core method to understand spatial patterns and temporal dynamics of protest. We show how Large Language Models (LLM) can be used to automate the classification of protest events and of political event data more broadly with levels of accuracy comparable to humans, while reducing necessary annotation time by several orders of magnitude. We propose a modular pipeline for the automation of PEA (PAPEA) based on fin…
Digital ballots, partisan bias: Digital authoritarianism and support for internet voting in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine
Resisting the Far-Right: Explaining Divergent Countermobilization Trajectories in Two German Cities
This article explains the divergent trajectories of anti-far-right mobilization in two German cities: the campaign against the extreme-right movement Pegida in Dresden and its offshoot, Legida, in Leipzig. Drawing on a comparative case study, we argue that the interplay of three city-specific features—namely, activist coalitions, the city’s political identity, and elite support—account for the strength and cohesion of the countermobilization in L…
Antikriegsaktivismus in Russland – eine Übersicht
des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine im Februar 2022 versetzte die groe Mehrheit der russischen Gesellschaft und die Mehrheit der russischen Eliten in einen tiefen Schock.Fr einige Wochen bestand verbreitete Unsicherheit darber, wie diese Eskalation sich auf die innergesellschaftlichen Machtverhltnisse auswirken wrde, ob
Protests in Germany 2000–2020. A dataset based on local protest event data in Bremen, Dresden, Leipzig, and Stuttgart
In exploring protest dynamics, Protest Event Analysis (PEA) has proven an indispensable analytical tool. Most existing PEA datasets, however, rely on national newspapers. This article introduces a local PEA dataset ProLoc based on local newspapers in four German cities (2000-2020). We show how this dataset with its 8,190 events allows a more detailed look into trends in protest mobilisation than the national perspective. In particular, we show is…
Political science (18 works) · Law (17 works) · Political economy (16 works) · Politics (16 works) · Sociology (15 works) · Law (12 works) · Democracy (10 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (10 works) · Authoritarianism (9 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (9 works)