Theodore S Arrington
Biographic Data
| ID | 786989 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Theodore S Arrington |
| GIVEN NAMES | Theodore S |
| FAMILY NAME | Arrington |
| SIGNATURE | ARRINGTON T S |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of North Carolina at Charlotte |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 22 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 39 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 22 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1975 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2011 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Response to Symposium: “Pracademics”: Mixing an Academic Career with Practical Politics
As a pracademic for my entire career and a department chair for almost 20 years, I found the wonderful symposium on pracademics to be right on target. The examples and the advice for faculty and administrators are invaluable to our profession. Thank you for publishing it
Redistricting in the U.S: A Review of Scholarship and Plan for Future Research
The nation-wide cycle of redistricting is the most consequential, repetitive decision-making process shaping the nature of American democracy. Because the arrangement of the districts forms an essential part of the rules of the game, the process by which they are drawn is meta-politics or a quasi-constitution making activity. The research on this process is voluminous and includes bits and pieces of the process. But the process is complicated, in…
Affirmative Districting and Four Decades of Redistricting: The Seats/Votes Relationship 1972-2008
How has the partisan seat/vote relationship in U.S. congressional elections changed in the four reapportionment cycles since 1970? Concern about a biased and unresponsive districting system and “vanishing marginals” has increased because of the affirmative districting to create minority-majority districts after 1990. The 1990 redistricting cycle did not give Republicans an unfair advantage in the seat/vote relationship nationwide or in the southe…
Response to “Predicting and Dissecting the Seat-Votes Curve in the 2006 U.S. House Election”
The article on the seats-votes curve by Kastellec, Gelman, and Chandler (January 2008, 139–45) presents interesting and helpful analysis and data. Especially important is the insight that incumbency necessarily requires a minority party to receive more than 50% of the vote to gain control of the House of Representatives. However the article is misleading in two respects
Testing Murphy's Strategic Model: Assigning the Majority Opinion to the Marginal Justice in the Conference Coalition on the U.S. Supreme Court
Murphy contended that an astute chief justice could assign the majority opinion to the “most moderate member” of the conference coalition, hoping that such an assignment “might prevent defection or even gain adherents.” We discovered that Murphy's model was partially supported with data from the Vinson, Warren, and Burger Courts. When the conference coalition was larger than minimum winning (mw), assignment of the majority opinion to the marginal…
Strategic Voting for Damage Control on the Supreme Court
Strategic Voting for Damage Control On the Supreme Court
Prominent scholars argue that the Supreme Court justices vote insincerely and in favor of the majority at the conference vote in order to obtain either damage control over the content of the majority opinion or to conform to the majority. Those justices who cast their vote late in the order of voting at the conference are in a better position to behave this way because they are more likely to know which side will win. Using Spaeth’s Burger Court …
Party registration choices as a function of the geographic distribution of partisanship: A Model of `Hidden Partisanship' and an Illustrative Test
The limited vote alternative to affirmative districting
The Role of Gender in Local Campaign Financing: The Case of Charlotte, North Carolina
Little is known about the role of gender in money politics. We examined the official campaign finance reports and election results for all local candidates in Charlotte, North Carolina, between 1975 and 1980. For candidates in 1978 and 1979, we also did a detailed study of all the contributors. Women obtain their campaign funds from somewhat different sources than men. Women collect money in smaller average amounts than men and list more of their…
The role of gender in local campaign financing: The case of Charlotte, North Carolina
The Election of Blacks to School Boards in North Carolina
Unanimous decision making on the U.S. Supreme Court: Case stimuli and judicial attitudes
To the Editor
Race and Campaign Finance in Charlotte, N.C
Race and Campaign Finance in Charlotte, N. C
Arrington & Brenner to Brams & Fishburn
Another Look at Approval Voting
Some of those who want to reform our present electoral system would replace plurality voting with approval voting. The proposed system has rarely been used in this country, and its adoption does not appear to be likely in the foreseeable future. It is then, basically, as an intellectual exercise that Professors Arrington and Brenner examine the case for approval voting in this article and find it wanting on a number of grounds, the most important…
William O. Douglas: Consistent Civil Libertarian or Parabolic Supporter
Ulmer claimed, contrary to the common wisdom, that Justice Douglas's support for civil liberties during his tenure on the Supreme Court conformed to a parabolic curve. Ulmer's conclusion is based on both unanimous and nonunanimous cases. We argue that unanimous cases should not have been included, for the votes in these cases reflect both legal and attitudinal variables. When we plot Douglas's support for civil liberties in nonunanimous cases we …
Partisan Campaigns, Ballots, and Voting Patterns: The Case of Charlotte
This article uses the unique election history of Charlotte, North Carolina, to study the effects of ballot and campaign types. Charlotte had a nonpartisan campaign and ballot in 1971, a partisan campaign with a nonpartisan ballot in 1973, and a partisan campaign and ballot in 1975. The voting pattern by precinct in these three municipal elections shows that a partisan voting pattern failed to occur in the absence of a partisan ballot, even when t…
Equal Rights Amendment Activists in North Carolina
Some Effects of Political Experience on Issue Consciousness and Issue Partisanship among Tuscon Party Activists
This article examines how the parties develop distinctive political belief systems (ideology). Two possibilities are examined: that each recruits individuals who hold the party's belief system, or that each socializes its members. The data for the study are from a survey of activists in Tucson, Arizona. Ideology is measured using an open-ended format yielding two variables: issue consciousness (a measure of articulation) and issue partisanship (a…
The Election of Blacks to School Boards in North Carolina
Equal Rights Amendment Activists in North Carolina
The role of gender in local campaign financing: The case of Charlotte, North Carolina
Another Look at Approval Voting
Some of those who want to reform our present electoral system would replace plurality voting with approval voting. The proposed system has rarely been used in this country, and its adoption does not appear to be likely in the foreseeable future. It is then, basically, as an intellectual exercise that Professors Arrington and Brenner examine the case for approval voting in this article and find it wanting on a number of grounds, the most important…
Party registration choices as a function of the geographic distribution of partisanship: A Model of `Hidden Partisanship' and an Illustrative Test
Unanimous decision making on the U.S. Supreme Court: Case stimuli and judicial attitudes
Strategic Voting for Damage Control On the Supreme Court
Prominent scholars argue that the Supreme Court justices vote insincerely and in favor of the majority at the conference vote in order to obtain either damage control over the content of the majority opinion or to conform to the majority. Those justices who cast their vote late in the order of voting at the conference are in a better position to behave this way because they are more likely to know which side will win. Using Spaeth’s Burger Court …
William O. Douglas: Consistent Civil Libertarian or Parabolic Supporter
Ulmer claimed, contrary to the common wisdom, that Justice Douglas's support for civil liberties during his tenure on the Supreme Court conformed to a parabolic curve. Ulmer's conclusion is based on both unanimous and nonunanimous cases. We argue that unanimous cases should not have been included, for the votes in these cases reflect both legal and attitudinal variables. When we plot Douglas's support for civil liberties in nonunanimous cases we …
Response to “Predicting and Dissecting the Seat-Votes Curve in the 2006 U.S. House Election”
The article on the seats-votes curve by Kastellec, Gelman, and Chandler (January 2008, 139–45) presents interesting and helpful analysis and data. Especially important is the insight that incumbency necessarily requires a minority party to receive more than 50% of the vote to gain control of the House of Representatives. However the article is misleading in two respects
Testing Murphy's Strategic Model: Assigning the Majority Opinion to the Marginal Justice in the Conference Coalition on the U.S. Supreme Court
Murphy contended that an astute chief justice could assign the majority opinion to the “most moderate member” of the conference coalition, hoping that such an assignment “might prevent defection or even gain adherents.” We discovered that Murphy's model was partially supported with data from the Vinson, Warren, and Burger Courts. When the conference coalition was larger than minimum winning (mw), assignment of the majority opinion to the marginal…
The limited vote alternative to affirmative districting
The Role of Gender in Local Campaign Financing: The Case of Charlotte, North Carolina
Little is known about the role of gender in money politics. We examined the official campaign finance reports and election results for all local candidates in Charlotte, North Carolina, between 1975 and 1980. For candidates in 1978 and 1979, we also did a detailed study of all the contributors. Women obtain their campaign funds from somewhat different sources than men. Women collect money in smaller average amounts than men and list more of their…
Race and Campaign Finance in Charlotte, N. C
Some Effects of Political Experience on Issue Consciousness and Issue Partisanship among Tuscon Party Activists
This article examines how the parties develop distinctive political belief systems (ideology). Two possibilities are examined: that each recruits individuals who hold the party's belief system, or that each socializes its members. The data for the study are from a survey of activists in Tucson, Arizona. Ideology is measured using an open-ended format yielding two variables: issue consciousness (a measure of articulation) and issue partisanship (a…
Partisan Campaigns, Ballots, and Voting Patterns: The Case of Charlotte
This article uses the unique election history of Charlotte, North Carolina, to study the effects of ballot and campaign types. Charlotte had a nonpartisan campaign and ballot in 1971, a partisan campaign with a nonpartisan ballot in 1973, and a partisan campaign and ballot in 1975. The voting pattern by precinct in these three municipal elections shows that a partisan voting pattern failed to occur in the absence of a partisan ballot, even when t…
Equal Rights Amendment Activists in North Carolina
William O. Douglas: Consistent Civil Libertarian or Parabolic Supporter
Ulmer claimed, contrary to the common wisdom, that Justice Douglas's support for civil liberties during his tenure on the Supreme Court conformed to a parabolic curve. Ulmer's conclusion is based on both unanimous and nonunanimous cases. We argue that unanimous cases should not have been included, for the votes in these cases reflect both legal and attitudinal variables. When we plot Douglas's support for civil liberties in nonunanimous cases we …
Race and Campaign Finance in Charlotte, N.C
Race and Campaign Finance in Charlotte, N. C
Arrington & Brenner to Brams & Fishburn
Another Look at Approval Voting
Some of those who want to reform our present electoral system would replace plurality voting with approval voting. The proposed system has rarely been used in this country, and its adoption does not appear to be likely in the foreseeable future. It is then, basically, as an intellectual exercise that Professors Arrington and Brenner examine the case for approval voting in this article and find it wanting on a number of grounds, the most important…
To the Editor
Unanimous decision making on the U.S. Supreme Court: Case stimuli and judicial attitudes
The Role of Gender in Local Campaign Financing: The Case of Charlotte, North Carolina
Little is known about the role of gender in money politics. We examined the official campaign finance reports and election results for all local candidates in Charlotte, North Carolina, between 1975 and 1980. For candidates in 1978 and 1979, we also did a detailed study of all the contributors. Women obtain their campaign funds from somewhat different sources than men. Women collect money in smaller average amounts than men and list more of their…
The role of gender in local campaign financing: The case of Charlotte, North Carolina
The Election of Blacks to School Boards in North Carolina
The limited vote alternative to affirmative districting
Party registration choices as a function of the geographic distribution of partisanship: A Model of `Hidden Partisanship' and an Illustrative Test
Strategic Voting for Damage Control on the Supreme Court
Strategic Voting for Damage Control On the Supreme Court
Prominent scholars argue that the Supreme Court justices vote insincerely and in favor of the majority at the conference vote in order to obtain either damage control over the content of the majority opinion or to conform to the majority. Those justices who cast their vote late in the order of voting at the conference are in a better position to behave this way because they are more likely to know which side will win. Using Spaeth’s Burger Court …
Response to “Predicting and Dissecting the Seat-Votes Curve in the 2006 U.S. House Election”
The article on the seats-votes curve by Kastellec, Gelman, and Chandler (January 2008, 139–45) presents interesting and helpful analysis and data. Especially important is the insight that incumbency necessarily requires a minority party to receive more than 50% of the vote to gain control of the House of Representatives. However the article is misleading in two respects
Testing Murphy's Strategic Model: Assigning the Majority Opinion to the Marginal Justice in the Conference Coalition on the U.S. Supreme Court
Murphy contended that an astute chief justice could assign the majority opinion to the “most moderate member” of the conference coalition, hoping that such an assignment “might prevent defection or even gain adherents.” We discovered that Murphy's model was partially supported with data from the Vinson, Warren, and Burger Courts. When the conference coalition was larger than minimum winning (mw), assignment of the majority opinion to the marginal…
Redistricting in the U.S: A Review of Scholarship and Plan for Future Research
The nation-wide cycle of redistricting is the most consequential, repetitive decision-making process shaping the nature of American democracy. Because the arrangement of the districts forms an essential part of the rules of the game, the process by which they are drawn is meta-politics or a quasi-constitution making activity. The research on this process is voluminous and includes bits and pieces of the process. But the process is complicated, in…
Affirmative Districting and Four Decades of Redistricting: The Seats/Votes Relationship 1972-2008
How has the partisan seat/vote relationship in U.S. congressional elections changed in the four reapportionment cycles since 1970? Concern about a biased and unresponsive districting system and “vanishing marginals” has increased because of the affirmative districting to create minority-majority districts after 1990. The 1990 redistricting cycle did not give Republicans an unfair advantage in the seat/vote relationship nationwide or in the southe…
Response to Symposium: “Pracademics”: Mixing an Academic Career with Practical Politics
As a pracademic for my entire career and a department chair for almost 20 years, I found the wonderful symposium on pracademics to be right on target. The examples and the advice for faculty and administrators are invaluable to our profession. Thank you for publishing it
Political science (22 works) · Law (18 works) · Politics (16 works) · Law (12 works) · Economics (10 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (10 works) · Sociology (8 works) · Voting (7 works) · Judicial and Constitutional Studies (6 works) · Law and economics (6 works)