Vieri Samek-Lodovici
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 812903 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Vieri Samek-Lodovici |
| NOMBRES | Vieri |
| APELLIDO | Samek-Lodovici |
| FIRMA | SAMEK-LODOVICI V |
| AFILIACIONES | University College London |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9827-1014 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 19 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 147 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 19 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1998 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 5 |
On corrective questions and the position of focus
Corrective questions exploit focalization to correct and replace a preceding question much like corrective statements exploit focalization to correct and replace a preceding statement. This paper examines Italian corrective questions in depth, presenting new experimental data supporting their grammatical status. It also shows that Italian corrective questions constitute root interrogative clauses, lack a terminal rise, and qualify as canonical qu…
Scope Freezing Restricts Binding in Italian Right-Dislocation
Binding into right-dislocated categories is generally possible in Italian but fails when the binder is a direct object and the right-dislocated constituent an indirect object or a PP doubled by ci ‘with him/her’, even though it is otherwise perfectly acceptable for a direct object to bind a pronoun or anaphor contained in an indirect object or a PP. These data fall into place once it is recognized that cliticization of an indirect object or a PP …
Marginalization
This chapter examines Italian marginalization. The name ‘marginalization’ was originally used by Antinucci and Cinque (1977) as a general label for any discourse given constituent found to the right of focus, including right-dislocated ones. After Cardinaletti’s research in 2000 and 2001, this label has been restricted to post-focus discourse-given constituents that occur unstressed in situ, making marginalization similar to the in-situ destressi…
Evidence for leftward right dislocation
The properties of right dislocation uncovered in this book—namely its position above TP, the optional absence of clitic-doubling, its involving movement rather than base-generation—do not determine whether right-dislocated phrases move leftwards, in antisymmetric fashion, or rightwards. They can all be captured under both analyses and after extensive testing I can attest that the same also holds—but for the two exceptions discussed below—for all …
Contrastive focus and marginalization
This chapter examines the distribution of contrastive focalization when any present post-focal constituent is marginalized in situ, i.e. when no constituent is right dislocated. In these cases contrastive foci occur in situ and any attempt to analyse them as having moved to a higher left-peripheral focus projection above TP or intermediate focus projection located between TP and VP quickly runs into serious problems. This chapter also establishes…
The role of prosody
This chapter examines how the syntax–prosody interface, and specifically how prosodic constraints governing the position of Italian stress determine the in-situ location of Italian contrastive focalization as well as the optional raising of lower unfocused constituents immediately before a higher focused phrase. Both phenomena are shown to maximize the alignment of main stress with the right edge of the clause, as required by the prosodic constra…
Right dislocation
This chapter provides a comprehensive analysis of Italian right dislocation, which is claimed to (i) occur clause externally, (ii) not require clitic doubling, (iii) involve movement. An accurate understanding of right dislocation is necessary for the analysis of discourse-givennes as well as focalization, as discussed in detail in Chapter 5. The analysis of right dislocation in this chapter challenges widely held but incorrect assumptions concer…
Irrelevance of pp -phrasing for the analysis of marginalization and left-shift
This appendix shows how variation in phonological phrasing (pp-phrasing) does not affect the results established in Section 6.3 of Chapter 6 and can thus be omitted. Each tableau in Section 6.3 is provided again here with each structure listed there re-proposed here in four different versions according to the distinct pp-phrasings they could be assigned. For example, structure (1) below gives rise to the four variants in 2, each retaining main st…
Contrastive focus and right dislocation
This chapter examines the interaction of focalization and right dislocation. It first shows that right dislocation can displace higher constituents to the right of lower foci, giving the false impression that these foci have moved upwards. It then examines cases where right dislocation targets constituents containing a focus, showing how such focus is obligatorily evacuated from these phrases. As a result, evacuated foci—including Rizzi’s left-pe…
The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody
This book provides an in-depth investigation of contrastive focalization in Italian, showing that its syntactic expression is systematically affected by the syntactic expression of discourse-givenness. The proposed analysis disentangles the properties genuinely associated with contrastive focalization from those determined by the most productive operations affecting discourse given phrases at the right periphery, namely right dislocation and marg…
On the Ungrammaticality of Remnant Movement in the Derivation of Greenberg's Universal 20
We propose an analysis that derives Cinque's (2005) typology of linear orders involving a demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun through four Optimality Theory constraints requiring leftward alignment of these items. We show that remnant movement is ungrammatical whenever it produces universally suboptimal alignments, compared with remnant-movement-free structures. Any movement is permitted, but only the best alignment configurations surface…
Final and non-final focus in Italian DPs
On the prosody and syntax of DPs
An invitation to OT syntax and semantics
When right dislocation meets the left-periphery
Focus Projection and Prosodic Prominence in Nested Foci
Focus projection and prosodic prominence in nested foci* Caroline Féry and Vieri Samek-Lodovici 1. Introduction What is the relation between focus and pitch accents? The studies of Selkirk (1995) and to a lesser extent Schwarzschild (1999) view pitch accents and focus as directly related to each other via an intermediate distribution of abstract F-marks which link to pitch accents on one end and to the discourse status of syntactic constituents o…
Prosody–Syntax Interaction in the Expression of Focus
The Internal Structure of Arguments And its Role in Complex Predicate Formation
Opposite constraints
Focus Projection and Prosodic Prominence in Nested Foci
Focus projection and prosodic prominence in nested foci* Caroline Féry and Vieri Samek-Lodovici 1. Introduction What is the relation between focus and pitch accents? The studies of Selkirk (1995) and to a lesser extent Schwarzschild (1999) view pitch accents and focus as directly related to each other via an intermediate distribution of abstract F-marks which link to pitch accents on one end and to the discourse status of syntactic constituents o…
Prosody–Syntax Interaction in the Expression of Focus
When right dislocation meets the left-periphery
The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody
This book provides an in-depth investigation of contrastive focalization in Italian, showing that its syntactic expression is systematically affected by the syntactic expression of discourse-givenness. The proposed analysis disentangles the properties genuinely associated with contrastive focalization from those determined by the most productive operations affecting discourse given phrases at the right periphery, namely right dislocation and marg…
On the Ungrammaticality of Remnant Movement in the Derivation of Greenberg's Universal 20
We propose an analysis that derives Cinque's (2005) typology of linear orders involving a demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun through four Optimality Theory constraints requiring leftward alignment of these items. We show that remnant movement is ungrammatical whenever it produces universally suboptimal alignments, compared with remnant-movement-free structures. Any movement is permitted, but only the best alignment configurations surface…
Final and non-final focus in Italian DPs
On the prosody and syntax of DPs
The Internal Structure of Arguments And its Role in Complex Predicate Formation
Opposite constraints
Scope Freezing Restricts Binding in Italian Right-Dislocation
Binding into right-dislocated categories is generally possible in Italian but fails when the binder is a direct object and the right-dislocated constituent an indirect object or a PP doubled by ci ‘with him/her’, even though it is otherwise perfectly acceptable for a direct object to bind a pronoun or anaphor contained in an indirect object or a PP. These data fall into place once it is recognized that cliticization of an indirect object or a PP …
An invitation to OT syntax and semantics
Opposite constraints
The Internal Structure of Arguments And its Role in Complex Predicate Formation
Prosody–Syntax Interaction in the Expression of Focus
When right dislocation meets the left-periphery
Focus Projection and Prosodic Prominence in Nested Foci
Focus projection and prosodic prominence in nested foci* Caroline Féry and Vieri Samek-Lodovici 1. Introduction What is the relation between focus and pitch accents? The studies of Selkirk (1995) and to a lesser extent Schwarzschild (1999) view pitch accents and focus as directly related to each other via an intermediate distribution of abstract F-marks which link to pitch accents on one end and to the discourse status of syntactic constituents o…
An invitation to OT syntax and semantics
On the prosody and syntax of DPs
Final and non-final focus in Italian DPs
On the Ungrammaticality of Remnant Movement in the Derivation of Greenberg's Universal 20
We propose an analysis that derives Cinque's (2005) typology of linear orders involving a demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun through four Optimality Theory constraints requiring leftward alignment of these items. We show that remnant movement is ungrammatical whenever it produces universally suboptimal alignments, compared with remnant-movement-free structures. Any movement is permitted, but only the best alignment configurations surface…
Marginalization
This chapter examines Italian marginalization. The name ‘marginalization’ was originally used by Antinucci and Cinque (1977) as a general label for any discourse given constituent found to the right of focus, including right-dislocated ones. After Cardinaletti’s research in 2000 and 2001, this label has been restricted to post-focus discourse-given constituents that occur unstressed in situ, making marginalization similar to the in-situ destressi…
Evidence for leftward right dislocation
The properties of right dislocation uncovered in this book—namely its position above TP, the optional absence of clitic-doubling, its involving movement rather than base-generation—do not determine whether right-dislocated phrases move leftwards, in antisymmetric fashion, or rightwards. They can all be captured under both analyses and after extensive testing I can attest that the same also holds—but for the two exceptions discussed below—for all …
Contrastive focus and marginalization
This chapter examines the distribution of contrastive focalization when any present post-focal constituent is marginalized in situ, i.e. when no constituent is right dislocated. In these cases contrastive foci occur in situ and any attempt to analyse them as having moved to a higher left-peripheral focus projection above TP or intermediate focus projection located between TP and VP quickly runs into serious problems. This chapter also establishes…
The role of prosody
This chapter examines how the syntax–prosody interface, and specifically how prosodic constraints governing the position of Italian stress determine the in-situ location of Italian contrastive focalization as well as the optional raising of lower unfocused constituents immediately before a higher focused phrase. Both phenomena are shown to maximize the alignment of main stress with the right edge of the clause, as required by the prosodic constra…
Right dislocation
This chapter provides a comprehensive analysis of Italian right dislocation, which is claimed to (i) occur clause externally, (ii) not require clitic doubling, (iii) involve movement. An accurate understanding of right dislocation is necessary for the analysis of discourse-givennes as well as focalization, as discussed in detail in Chapter 5. The analysis of right dislocation in this chapter challenges widely held but incorrect assumptions concer…
Irrelevance of pp -phrasing for the analysis of marginalization and left-shift
This appendix shows how variation in phonological phrasing (pp-phrasing) does not affect the results established in Section 6.3 of Chapter 6 and can thus be omitted. Each tableau in Section 6.3 is provided again here with each structure listed there re-proposed here in four different versions according to the distinct pp-phrasings they could be assigned. For example, structure (1) below gives rise to the four variants in 2, each retaining main st…
Contrastive focus and right dislocation
This chapter examines the interaction of focalization and right dislocation. It first shows that right dislocation can displace higher constituents to the right of lower foci, giving the false impression that these foci have moved upwards. It then examines cases where right dislocation targets constituents containing a focus, showing how such focus is obligatorily evacuated from these phrases. As a result, evacuated foci—including Rizzi’s left-pe…
The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody
This book provides an in-depth investigation of contrastive focalization in Italian, showing that its syntactic expression is systematically affected by the syntactic expression of discourse-givenness. The proposed analysis disentangles the properties genuinely associated with contrastive focalization from those determined by the most productive operations affecting discourse given phrases at the right periphery, namely right dislocation and marg…
Scope Freezing Restricts Binding in Italian Right-Dislocation
Binding into right-dislocated categories is generally possible in Italian but fails when the binder is a direct object and the right-dislocated constituent an indirect object or a PP doubled by ci ‘with him/her’, even though it is otherwise perfectly acceptable for a direct object to bind a pronoun or anaphor contained in an indirect object or a PP. These data fall into place once it is recognized that cliticization of an indirect object or a PP …
On corrective questions and the position of focus
Corrective questions exploit focalization to correct and replace a preceding question much like corrective statements exploit focalization to correct and replace a preceding statement. This paper examines Italian corrective questions in depth, presenting new experimental data supporting their grammatical status. It also shows that Italian corrective questions constitute root interrogative clauses, lack a terminal rise, and qualify as canonical qu…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (18 obras) · Linguistics (17 obras) · Philosophy (17 obras) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (14 obras) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (14 obras) · Computer Science (12 obras) · Mathematics (8 obras) · Physics (7 obras) · Dislocation (6 obras) · Syntax (6 obras)