William Avilés
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 826705 |
|---|---|
| NOME | William Avilés |
| PRENOMES | William |
| SOBRENOME | Avilés |
| ASSINATURA | AVILÉS W |
| AFILIAÇÕES | University of Nebraska at Kearney |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-1468-1719 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 17 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 56 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 17 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2001 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 5 |
To Resist is not to Endure
Driven by the need of continuous accumulation by dispossession and a neoliberal state long receptive to greater levels of extractivism different mining companies have for years viewed municipalities such as Mistrató, Risaralda in the country of Colombia as prime targets for investment. However, despite the many favorable political and historical conditions for these investments, organizations largely led by women successfully organized resistance…
Feminicides in Peru and Colombia
Latin America has been at the centre of the global challenge of feminicides, but not all countries experience similar levels of violence against women. For example, during the same period that Colombia witnessed almost 4000 killings, Peru saw just over 700 – related to the size of their populations, Colombia experienced more than double the rate of feminicides than Peru. We submit that an understanding of the differences between Colombia and Peru…
The Wayúu tragedy
Between 20007 and 2017 approximately 5000 children of the Wayúu tribe in the Guajira state in Colombia died, largely from an inability to gain access to clean water. A severe drought is a proximate factor to this massive loss of life, but the drought concealed a larger historical, political and economic context that was fundamental to this humanitarian crisis. A context dominated by the needs of our present epoch of global capitalism and not simp…
The Drug War in Latin America
Since the mid-1980s subsequent US governments have promoted a highly militarized and prohibitionist drug control approach in Latin America. Despite this strategy the region has seen increasing levels of homicide, displacement and violence. Why did the militarization of U.S. drug war policies in Latin America begin and why has it continued despite its inability to achieve the stated targets? Are such policies simply intended to impose U.S. power o…
Low-Intensity Democracy and Peru's Neoliberal State
The election of Ollanta Humala in 2011 did not lead to a radical break from neoliberalism as many expected. His administration continued and deepened Peru's conservative political and economic regime, its "low-intensity democracy." His lack of a shift has been attributed to electoral dynamics, his leadership style, and the weakness of political parties. However, these readings overlook the structural impediments to any left government in Peru and…
Democracy, Repression, and the Defense of Human Rights
Colombia's Left
War, Peace, and Human Rights in Colombia
Policy Coalitions, Economic Reform and Military Power in Ecuador and Venezuela
Military coups and coup attempts, as well as the establishment, or continuation, of economic/social development roles for the military far outside traditional security missions have been a part of civil–military relations in Ecuador and Venezuela since 1990. The military's greater role in Ecuador and Venezuela has in part been a consequence of the failure of neoliberal and globalist policy coalitions to establish and maintain a hegemonic consensu…
Despite Insurgency
Colombia and Peru made significant progress in reducing the institutional prerogatives of their respective militaries in the 1990s and 2000s while reforming their economies in a neoliberal direction. They accomplished this despite internal armed threats to state authority and stability. The end of the Cold War, U.S. promotion of "market democracies," and the international centrality of free markets and formal democratic governance coincided with …
US Intervention in Colombia
In July 2000, US President, Bill Clinton, signed into law the aid package popularly known as 'Plan Colombia'. Foreign policy analysts examining the 'US drug war' have generally focused upon the perceived national security interests of the US state and/or the intermestic nature of domestic politics, or the economic interests of an imperial US state in explaining US drug policy. I posit that the development, initiation and implementation of Plan Co…
Simulating the Free Trade Area of the Americas
Since the early 1990s, North Americans have participated in a large political-economic experiment in a regional trade bloc called the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). With NAFTA now over 10 years old, the non-NAFTA countries have been debating the merits and shortcomings of creating an expanded version of the trade agreement that would encompass virtually every state in the Americas. The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) would en…
Global Capitalism, Democracy, and Civil-Military Relations in Colombia
Global capitalism, democracy, and civil-military relations in Colombia
Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy
In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacre…
The Democratic-Peace Thesis and U.S. Relations with Colombia and Venezuela
The democratic-peace thesis is the argument that democracies do not fight wars against each other because of shared norms, economic trade relationships, and/or institutional and societal checks upon the power of executives. The effect of public opinion upon political behavior or the requirement of legislative approval for executive action or even the belief that disputes should be resolved through cooperative mechanisms is viewed as conducive to …
Institutions, Military Policy, and Human Rights in Colombia
In the past 20 years the people of Colombia have experienced increasing social and political violence. This political violence reached extreme levels during the administration of President Ernesto Samper (1994-1998), as 15,000 Colombians became victims of political killings (Bland, 1998:10). A central part of this violence has been the counterinsurgency war being waged by the government against well-armed guerrilla armies, with noncombat killings…
Simulating the Free Trade Area of the Americas
Since the early 1990s, North Americans have participated in a large political-economic experiment in a regional trade bloc called the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). With NAFTA now over 10 years old, the non-NAFTA countries have been debating the merits and shortcomings of creating an expanded version of the trade agreement that would encompass virtually every state in the Americas. The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) would en…
US Intervention in Colombia
In July 2000, US President, Bill Clinton, signed into law the aid package popularly known as 'Plan Colombia'. Foreign policy analysts examining the 'US drug war' have generally focused upon the perceived national security interests of the US state and/or the intermestic nature of domestic politics, or the economic interests of an imperial US state in explaining US drug policy. I posit that the development, initiation and implementation of Plan Co…
Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy
In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacre…
Low-Intensity Democracy and Peru's Neoliberal State
The election of Ollanta Humala in 2011 did not lead to a radical break from neoliberalism as many expected. His administration continued and deepened Peru's conservative political and economic regime, its "low-intensity democracy." His lack of a shift has been attributed to electoral dynamics, his leadership style, and the weakness of political parties. However, these readings overlook the structural impediments to any left government in Peru and…
Colombia's Left
Institutions, Military Policy, and Human Rights in Colombia
In the past 20 years the people of Colombia have experienced increasing social and political violence. This political violence reached extreme levels during the administration of President Ernesto Samper (1994-1998), as 15,000 Colombians became victims of political killings (Bland, 1998:10). A central part of this violence has been the counterinsurgency war being waged by the government against well-armed guerrilla armies, with noncombat killings…
The Wayúu tragedy
Between 20007 and 2017 approximately 5000 children of the Wayúu tribe in the Guajira state in Colombia died, largely from an inability to gain access to clean water. A severe drought is a proximate factor to this massive loss of life, but the drought concealed a larger historical, political and economic context that was fundamental to this humanitarian crisis. A context dominated by the needs of our present epoch of global capitalism and not simp…
The Democratic-Peace Thesis and U.S. Relations with Colombia and Venezuela
The democratic-peace thesis is the argument that democracies do not fight wars against each other because of shared norms, economic trade relationships, and/or institutional and societal checks upon the power of executives. The effect of public opinion upon political behavior or the requirement of legislative approval for executive action or even the belief that disputes should be resolved through cooperative mechanisms is viewed as conducive to …
Democracy, Repression, and the Defense of Human Rights
Despite Insurgency
Colombia and Peru made significant progress in reducing the institutional prerogatives of their respective militaries in the 1990s and 2000s while reforming their economies in a neoliberal direction. They accomplished this despite internal armed threats to state authority and stability. The end of the Cold War, U.S. promotion of "market democracies," and the international centrality of free markets and formal democratic governance coincided with …
Institutions, Military Policy, and Human Rights in Colombia
In the past 20 years the people of Colombia have experienced increasing social and political violence. This political violence reached extreme levels during the administration of President Ernesto Samper (1994-1998), as 15,000 Colombians became victims of political killings (Bland, 1998:10). A central part of this violence has been the counterinsurgency war being waged by the government against well-armed guerrilla armies, with noncombat killings…
The Democratic-Peace Thesis and U.S. Relations with Colombia and Venezuela
The democratic-peace thesis is the argument that democracies do not fight wars against each other because of shared norms, economic trade relationships, and/or institutional and societal checks upon the power of executives. The effect of public opinion upon political behavior or the requirement of legislative approval for executive action or even the belief that disputes should be resolved through cooperative mechanisms is viewed as conducive to …
Global Capitalism, Democracy, and Civil-Military Relations in Colombia
Global capitalism, democracy, and civil-military relations in Colombia
Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy
In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacre…
Simulating the Free Trade Area of the Americas
Since the early 1990s, North Americans have participated in a large political-economic experiment in a regional trade bloc called the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). With NAFTA now over 10 years old, the non-NAFTA countries have been debating the merits and shortcomings of creating an expanded version of the trade agreement that would encompass virtually every state in the Americas. The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) would en…
US Intervention in Colombia
In July 2000, US President, Bill Clinton, signed into law the aid package popularly known as 'Plan Colombia'. Foreign policy analysts examining the 'US drug war' have generally focused upon the perceived national security interests of the US state and/or the intermestic nature of domestic politics, or the economic interests of an imperial US state in explaining US drug policy. I posit that the development, initiation and implementation of Plan Co…
Policy Coalitions, Economic Reform and Military Power in Ecuador and Venezuela
Military coups and coup attempts, as well as the establishment, or continuation, of economic/social development roles for the military far outside traditional security missions have been a part of civil–military relations in Ecuador and Venezuela since 1990. The military's greater role in Ecuador and Venezuela has in part been a consequence of the failure of neoliberal and globalist policy coalitions to establish and maintain a hegemonic consensu…
Despite Insurgency
Colombia and Peru made significant progress in reducing the institutional prerogatives of their respective militaries in the 1990s and 2000s while reforming their economies in a neoliberal direction. They accomplished this despite internal armed threats to state authority and stability. The end of the Cold War, U.S. promotion of "market democracies," and the international centrality of free markets and formal democratic governance coincided with …
Colombia's Left
War, Peace, and Human Rights in Colombia
The Drug War in Latin America
Since the mid-1980s subsequent US governments have promoted a highly militarized and prohibitionist drug control approach in Latin America. Despite this strategy the region has seen increasing levels of homicide, displacement and violence. Why did the militarization of U.S. drug war policies in Latin America begin and why has it continued despite its inability to achieve the stated targets? Are such policies simply intended to impose U.S. power o…
Low-Intensity Democracy and Peru's Neoliberal State
The election of Ollanta Humala in 2011 did not lead to a radical break from neoliberalism as many expected. His administration continued and deepened Peru's conservative political and economic regime, its "low-intensity democracy." His lack of a shift has been attributed to electoral dynamics, his leadership style, and the weakness of political parties. However, these readings overlook the structural impediments to any left government in Peru and…
Democracy, Repression, and the Defense of Human Rights
The Wayúu tragedy
Between 20007 and 2017 approximately 5000 children of the Wayúu tribe in the Guajira state in Colombia died, largely from an inability to gain access to clean water. A severe drought is a proximate factor to this massive loss of life, but the drought concealed a larger historical, political and economic context that was fundamental to this humanitarian crisis. A context dominated by the needs of our present epoch of global capitalism and not simp…
Feminicides in Peru and Colombia
Latin America has been at the centre of the global challenge of feminicides, but not all countries experience similar levels of violence against women. For example, during the same period that Colombia witnessed almost 4000 killings, Peru saw just over 700 – related to the size of their populations, Colombia experienced more than double the rate of feminicides than Peru. We submit that an understanding of the differences between Colombia and Peru…
To Resist is not to Endure
Driven by the need of continuous accumulation by dispossession and a neoliberal state long receptive to greater levels of extractivism different mining companies have for years viewed municipalities such as Mistrató, Risaralda in the country of Colombia as prime targets for investment. However, despite the many favorable political and historical conditions for these investments, organizations largely led by women successfully organized resistance…
Political science (15 obras) · Law (12 obras) · Economics (11 obras) · Politics (11 obras) · Sociology (10 obras) · Political economy (9 obras) · Democracy (7 obras) · Development economics (7 obras) · History and Politics in Latin America (6 obras) · Conflict, Peace, and Violence in Colombia (5 obras)