Barry Sautman
Biographic Data
| ID | 87611 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Barry Sautman |
| GIVEN NAMES | Barry |
| FAMILY NAME | Sautman |
| SIGNATURE | SAUTMAN B |
| AFFILIATIONS | Hong Kong University of Science and Technology |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-9194-0791 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 42 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 358 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 41 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 1 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1992 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 10 |
Creating Something from Nothing
A number of politicians, media, NGOs, and separatist groups claim that China's government has been committing genocide in Xinjiang. Genocide is “the crime of crimes,” yet these claims often contradict its legal definition and fail to show guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Most do not present a prima facie case of genocide’s sine qua non , the intent to destroy a protected group. Instead, they use the assertion as a stratagem, to enhance the claima…
Covid-19 and the racialisation of Chinese wildlife consumption
Pandemics and food consumption have long been racialised against non-Western peoples. Yellow Peril tropes of Chinese as disease vectors and consumers of 'weird' wildlife, such as bats, were conjoined again with COVID-19. US politicians and media have especially deployed these themes to blame Chinese for the pandemic, alongside tropes of Chinese as cruel, deceitful incompetents, thus serving a wider mobilisation against China that fuels a new Cold…
China, colonialism, neocolonialism and globalised modes of accumulation
The idea that China is the supreme overseas capital accumulator is part of a discourse of China as colonialist or neocolonialist. The discourse exists not because Chinese behaviour aligns with scholarly understandings of colonialism or neocolonialism, but as a rhetorical device to discredit China as the US’s ‘strategic rival’. In this paper we show that China does not practice colonialism or neocolonialism and examine the question of how China’s …
Big Thunder, Little Rain
Yellow Peril ideology has long cast Chinese as cruel, deceitful, incompetent disease vectors. Many US elites now tie such notions to China’s response to Covid-19. Their racialized framing of the drive to condemn and sue China however exemplifies a Chinese idiom—“big thunder, little rain” (雷声大, 雨点小)—which means noisy, yet ineffective. There are empirical obstacles to convincing the world of Chinese responsibility for the pandemic, such as that the…
China's Chernobyl
In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillme…
Today in Guangzhou, Tomorrow in Hong Kong? A Comparative Study of the Language Situation in Two Cities
Many in Hong Kong voice concerns about the fate of Cantonese, including nativists (“localists”) and the general public. Guangzhou is seen as a harbinger of diminishing Cantonese in Hong Kong. News and commentaries paint a gloomy picture of Cantonese in Guangzhou. Yet rarely do we read about surveys on the range of Cantonese use and identity in Guangzhou. Neither do we see analyses on how the social context differences between Hong Kong and Guangz…
Chinese and ‘self-segregation’ in Africa
Chinese are often said to ‘self-segregate’ in Africa. Chinese ethnocentricity is typically offered as an explanation for the putative non-interaction. Meanwhile Chinese are not compared to other non-indigenous people in Africa, implying unique Chinese self-isolation. Due to China’s semi-peripheral dynamics however, the contemporary Chinese presence in Africa cannot be generalized into a single category. Based on surveys, interviews, and documents…
The discourse of racialization of labour and Chinese enterprises in Africa
A 'race' and labour conjunction has been theorized based on Global North investment in the Global South. Chinese enterprising in Africa allows us to analyse it in a South-South setting. Contrary to dominant discourses, Chinese employers are not the sole racializers of the African/Chinese interface. Chinese and Africans, employers and employees, as well as Western actors, co-constitute racialization, with varied consequences for each. Rhetorical r…
Bashing ‘the Chinese’
The 2010 shooting of 13 miners at Zambia's small, privately-owned ‘Chinese’ Collum Coal Mine (CCM) has been represented by Western and Zambian politicians and media as exemplifying the ‘neo-colonial’ and ‘amoral’ practices of ‘China’ and ‘the Chinese’ in Africa. CCM has been used to provide a sharp contrast to the supposed ways of the Western firms that own most of Zambia's mines. Embedded in racial hierarchy and notions of strategic competition …
Self-representation and ethnic minority rights in China
Proposals to reform along liberal lines China’s system of discrete minority rights, such as ethnic regional autonomy and preferential policies, seek to ‘depoliticize’ minorities by treating them as cultural groups whose members have individual, but not collective, rights. Beyond the binary of only individual rights or no change, a third option is to expand minority rights, including through their self-representation. Not self-determination, which…
The Beginning of a World Empire”? Contesting the Discourse of Chinese Copper Mining in Zambia
A discourse fostered by Western politicians and media of Chinese copper mining in Zambia has been central to global discussions of China-in-Africa since the mid-2000s. Based in the West’s putative strategic rivalry with China, the discourse also invokes racial stereotypes about Chinese cruelty and disregard for human life. Focusing on Human Rights Watch’s 2011 attempt to prove China’s firms to be Zambian copper mining’s “worst employers,” we show…
Paved with Good Intentions
Since 2004, academics concerned about a prospective fracturing of China’s territory have advanced proposals to phase out ethnic regional autonomy, preferential policies, and other minority rights. Riots in Lhasa, Tibet, in 2008 and Urumqi, Xinjiang, in 2009 gave greater impetus to the proposals, as they moved from academic to wider circles and complaints about preferential policies in criminal justice, family planning, and school admissions grew,…
The Dragon's Gift
The “Right Dissident”
Since garnering the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize, imprisoned Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo has been lionized, particularly by Western politicians and media, who now promote him as the leader of the “democratic forces” in China. Meanwhile, Liu's politics and those of the award itself are studiously ignored. Liu, however, was chosen for the prize, over many other imprisoned dissidents (including Chinese) nominated for it, precisely because of his politics…
Gilded Outside, Shoddy Within
A November 2011 Human Rights Watch (HRW) report on labor abuses in mining firms in Zambia parented by state-owned enterprise (SOE) China Non-ferrous Metal Mining Co. (CNMC) has been a media sensation.CNMC subsidiaries operate two copper mines and two copper processing plants in Zambia Non-Ferrous Company Africa (NFCA), CNMC-Luanshya Copper Mines (CLM), Chambishi Copper Smelter (CCS), and Sino Metals Leach Zambia (Sino Metals
Chinese Farms in Zambia
Participation by Chinese in Zambia’s agriculture has involved three modes of engagement. Two of these, agro-socialist cooperation until the late 1980s and agro-capitalist “win-win,” since the 1990s, can be examined. The third one, an “agro-imperialist” mode, is not an experience, but a speculation, one possible future based on the Chinese state’s potential to allow firms from China to join in the large-scale, export-oriented “land grabs” by big t…
Tibet's Putative Statehood and International Law
Claims that Tibet was independent during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) or had "de facto independence" from the Republic of China (1911-1949) are belied by fact and law. Tibet's elites regarded themselves as subjects of the Emperor, who saw himself and was seen by foreigners as the ruler of China, including Tibet. Supposed indicia of Tibet independence from 1913-1951 (a flag, stamps, currency, passports, visas, etc.) do not attest to statehood: man…
Vegetarian between Meals”
In May 2008 Time magazine's annual “Time 100” list of influential people in the world put the Dalai Lama at the top. This outcome was related to the preceding six weeks of protests in Tibet and attendant Western criticisms of China's Tibet policies, but it also reflected the two-decade-long construction of the Dalai Lama's international persona as a “man of peace” and “compassion personified.” This essay interrogates the ubiquitous representation…
African Perspectives on China–Africa Links
Scholars and the international media often allude to a putative “African view” of Africa–China links, constructed from anecdotal evidence. Using random sample and university-based surveys, we elaborate the first empirically based study of what Africans think of their relationships with China. We reach three conclusions. First, African views are not nearly as negative as Western media make out, but are variegated and complex. Second, the survey re…
Trade, Investment, Power and the China-in-Africa Discourse
An international discourse of China-in-Africa has emerged, particularly in Western countries with dense links to Africa: the US, UK and France. While China's presence in Africa should be critically examined, interest in it in the West is skewed by elite perceptions of China as a rival for resources and influence in Africa and as a rising power, with the tone of the discourse far more negative than that accorded the Western presence in Africa
Colin Mackerras andAsian Ethnicity
Chinese have a proverb , (Qian ren zai shu; hou ren chengliang): ‘The people who come before plant the tree, those who come after enjoys its shade.’ Colin Mackerras, Editor-in-Chief for the first e
The Forest for the Trees
2007-2008 > Academic research: refereed > Publication in refereed journal
Friends and Interests
China's expanded links to Africa have created a discourse of how to characterize those ties. Western political forces and media have criticized every aspect of China's activities in Africa, while Chinese, with significant support from Africans, have mounted a spirited defense. This article examines several factors that make China's links with Africa distinctive, including China's aid and migration policies, the distinctive "Chinese model" of fore…
Colonialism, genocide, and Tibet
A central element of the narrative circulated by the Tibet Movement has been that China has carried out genocide and practised colonialism in Tibet. These notions are, for the most part, uncritically accepted by politicians and the media, especially in the West. This essay challenges such characterizations as inept and as obstacles to resolving the Tibet Question. It looks at whether convincing empirical evidence of physical and cultural genocide…
China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet
2005). China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet. Asian Affairs: An American Review: Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 87-118
Preferential policies for ethnic minorities in China
Preferential policies for ethnic minorities in China are implemented in family planning, school admissions, the hiring and promotion, the financing and taxation of businesses, and regional infrastructural support. Affirmative action has created greater social equity, while not impairing and likely promoting positive Han‐minority relations. This is so even in Xinjiang, a fast growing, but unstable PRC minority region. China's preferential policies…
Friends and Interests
China's expanded links to Africa have created a discourse of how to characterize those ties. Western political forces and media have criticized every aspect of China's activities in Africa, while Chinese, with significant support from Africans, have mounted a spirited defense. This article examines several factors that make China's links with Africa distinctive, including China's aid and migration policies, the distinctive "Chinese model" of fore…
The Beginning of a World Empire”? Contesting the Discourse of Chinese Copper Mining in Zambia
A discourse fostered by Western politicians and media of Chinese copper mining in Zambia has been central to global discussions of China-in-Africa since the mid-2000s. Based in the West’s putative strategic rivalry with China, the discourse also invokes racial stereotypes about Chinese cruelty and disregard for human life. Focusing on Human Rights Watch’s 2011 attempt to prove China’s firms to be Zambian copper mining’s “worst employers,” we show…
The discourse of racialization of labour and Chinese enterprises in Africa
A 'race' and labour conjunction has been theorized based on Global North investment in the Global South. Chinese enterprising in Africa allows us to analyse it in a South-South setting. Contrary to dominant discourses, Chinese employers are not the sole racializers of the African/Chinese interface. Chinese and Africans, employers and employees, as well as Western actors, co-constitute racialization, with varied consequences for each. Rhetorical r…
Ethnic Law and Minority Rights in China
Western discourse on human rights in China typically assumes that China’s minority rights law must be a sham because China is an authoritarian state. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, China has articulated an “ethnic law” that elaborates rights and preferences that minorities value. At the same time, People’s Republic of China ethnic law is inadequate to grant the idealized range of minority rights claimed by the Chinese state, and some rights are…
Is Xinjiang an Internal Colony
Scholars and journalists use the phrase 'internal colonialism' to sum up the relationship between the PRC central government and Xinjiang, and the region does have ethnic conflict and a low degree of autonomy. Its relationship with the PRC centre and the political economy of Han/minority interaction indicate, however, that none of the elements of the internal colonialist concept are sufficiently present to warrant characterising Xinjiang as an in…
Chinese Farms in Zambia
Participation by Chinese in Zambia’s agriculture has involved three modes of engagement. Two of these, agro-socialist cooperation until the late 1980s and agro-capitalist “win-win,” since the 1990s, can be examined. The third one, an “agro-imperialist” mode, is not an experience, but a speculation, one possible future based on the Chinese state’s potential to allow firms from China to join in the large-scale, export-oriented “land grabs” by big t…
Colonialism, genocide, and Tibet
A central element of the narrative circulated by the Tibet Movement has been that China has carried out genocide and practised colonialism in Tibet. These notions are, for the most part, uncritically accepted by politicians and the media, especially in the West. This essay challenges such characterizations as inept and as obstacles to resolving the Tibet Question. It looks at whether convincing empirical evidence of physical and cultural genocide…
Peking Man and the Politics of Paleoanthropological Nationalism in China
Much attention has been focused on the recrudescence of Chinese nationalism in the 1990s. The PRC government generally denies, but occasionally defends, the existence of nationalism within China (Xi 1996). Many Chinese scholars acknowledge the phenomenon and debate its impact, with most evincing a positive attitude toward nationalism (Zhang Xudong 1997; Xiao 1997; Sheng 1996; Wen 1996; Li 1995). Outside the PRC, Chinese nationalism is increasingl…
Tibet
Chinese and ‘self-segregation’ in Africa
Chinese are often said to ‘self-segregate’ in Africa. Chinese ethnocentricity is typically offered as an explanation for the putative non-interaction. Meanwhile Chinese are not compared to other non-indigenous people in Africa, implying unique Chinese self-isolation. Due to China’s semi-peripheral dynamics however, the contemporary Chinese presence in Africa cannot be generalized into a single category. Based on surveys, interviews, and documents…
Paved with Good Intentions
Since 2004, academics concerned about a prospective fracturing of China’s territory have advanced proposals to phase out ethnic regional autonomy, preferential policies, and other minority rights. Riots in Lhasa, Tibet, in 2008 and Urumqi, Xinjiang, in 2009 gave greater impetus to the proposals, as they moved from academic to wider circles and complaints about preferential policies in criminal justice, family planning, and school admissions grew,…
Resolving the Tibet Question
The dispute over China's territorial soveriegnty in Tibet has ranged for more than four decades. In 1998, following remarks by Jiang Zemin at a press conference with Bill Clinton in Beijing, the prospects for negotiations over the Tibet Question seemed bright. Within months, however, it was obvious that there had been no breakthrough. This study analyzes the likely reasons for the failure to achieve negotiations in the light of the main obstacles…
The Forest for the Trees
2007-2008 > Academic research: refereed > Publication in refereed journal
The Tibet Issue in Post-Summit Sino-American Relations
Driven by Americans' cultural and religious interest in Tibet, the dispute between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama's 'government in exile' in India has recently become one of the most important in U.S.-China relations. Its ethnic, sovereignty and religious dimensions make the Tibet Question particularly intractable. Internal political pressures have made the Dalai Lama unwilling to abandon the goal of independence and the PRC leaders un…
Bashing ‘the Chinese’
The 2010 shooting of 13 miners at Zambia's small, privately-owned ‘Chinese’ Collum Coal Mine (CCM) has been represented by Western and Zambian politicians and media as exemplifying the ‘neo-colonial’ and ‘amoral’ practices of ‘China’ and ‘the Chinese’ in Africa. CCM has been used to provide a sharp contrast to the supposed ways of the Western firms that own most of Zambia's mines. Embedded in racial hierarchy and notions of strategic competition …
Self-representation and ethnic minority rights in China
Proposals to reform along liberal lines China’s system of discrete minority rights, such as ethnic regional autonomy and preferential policies, seek to ‘depoliticize’ minorities by treating them as cultural groups whose members have individual, but not collective, rights. Beyond the binary of only individual rights or no change, a third option is to expand minority rights, including through their self-representation. Not self-determination, which…
China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet
2005). China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet. Asian Affairs: An American Review: Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 87-118
The Politics of the Dalai Lama's New Initiative for Autonomy
In the late 1980s, the Dalai Lama first asserted that he was willing to no longer press for an independent Tibet. Until recently, however, scant progress was made toward negotiations between the Tibetan exiles and the government of the People's Republic of China: the PRC had shown no inclination to negotiate about matters beyond the Dalai Lama's own status, while the exiles had insisted that China renounce all control over affairs in Tibet, excep…
The devil to pay
In 1989, liberal Soviet intellectuals debated proposals for an authoritarian regime intended to speed marketization and allow political institutionalization during a transition to liberal democracy. The “authoritarians” were inspired by the work of neo-conservative Western scholars and Southern European, Latin American, and East Asian models. Their strategy was strongly opposed by a “democratic” camp of radical reformers. The “authoritarians” ini…
Big Thunder, Little Rain
Yellow Peril ideology has long cast Chinese as cruel, deceitful, incompetent disease vectors. Many US elites now tie such notions to China’s response to Covid-19. Their racialized framing of the drive to condemn and sue China however exemplifies a Chinese idiom—“big thunder, little rain” (雷声大, 雨点小)—which means noisy, yet ineffective. There are empirical obstacles to convincing the world of Chinese responsibility for the pandemic, such as that the…
Association, Federation and "Genuine" Autonomy
When we talk about whether something is true, we mean that what appears accords with the way a thing really exists. And whatever the level of discussion, whatever the issue, when there is a discrepancy between appearance and reali ty, we regard it as untrue (Dalai Lama 2000
Creating Something from Nothing
A number of politicians, media, NGOs, and separatist groups claim that China's government has been committing genocide in Xinjiang. Genocide is “the crime of crimes,” yet these claims often contradict its legal definition and fail to show guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Most do not present a prima facie case of genocide’s sine qua non , the intent to destroy a protected group. Instead, they use the assertion as a stratagem, to enhance the claima…
Covid-19 and the racialisation of Chinese wildlife consumption
Pandemics and food consumption have long been racialised against non-Western peoples. Yellow Peril tropes of Chinese as disease vectors and consumers of 'weird' wildlife, such as bats, were conjoined again with COVID-19. US politicians and media have especially deployed these themes to blame Chinese for the pandemic, alongside tropes of Chinese as cruel, deceitful incompetents, thus serving a wider mobilisation against China that fuels a new Cold…
China's Chernobyl
In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillme…
Sirens of the Strongman
China's year of upheaval, 1989, was full of incongruities. For example, students invoked the historic struggle of intellectuals to “revive China,” while at the same time erecting statues modelled after the symbol of a foreign power with a long history of objectionable conduct toward their country. One of the most interesting incongruities, however, emerged not in the streets, but in the pages of Chinese journals. Highly-placed intellectuals debat…
Anti-Black Racism in Post-Mao China
Expressions of anti-black sentiment by Chinese students have caught the world's attention periodically since the end of the 1970s. Demonstrations against African students in Nanjing and other cities between late 1988 and early 1989 received wide press coverage. Because the African population in China is small and transient, some observers saw these events as a manifestation of a vestigial xenophobia, not as part of a developing trend of thought w…
The devil to pay
In 1989, liberal Soviet intellectuals debated proposals for an authoritarian regime intended to speed marketization and allow political institutionalization during a transition to liberal democracy. The “authoritarians” were inspired by the work of neo-conservative Western scholars and Southern European, Latin American, and East Asian models. Their strategy was strongly opposed by a “democratic” camp of radical reformers. The “authoritarians” ini…
Theories of East Asian Intellectual and Behavioral Superiority and Discourses on “Race Differences”
The Construction of Racial Identities in China and Japan
The Tibet Question
Third parties may be able to help China and Tibetan exiles find the common ground needed to begin negotiations. If the Dalai Lama gives Beijing a firm indication that he will renounce independence for Tibet, China might reward him with concessions, such as restricted migration to Tibet, that will help him sell the idea of effective compromise to the exiles
Preferential policies for ethnic minorities in China
Preferential policies for ethnic minorities in China are implemented in family planning, school admissions, the hiring and promotion, the financing and taxation of businesses, and regional infrastructural support. Affirmative action has created greater social equity, while not impairing and likely promoting positive Han‐minority relations. This is so even in Xinjiang, a fast growing, but unstable PRC minority region. China's preferential policies…
Ethnic Law and Minority Rights in China
Western discourse on human rights in China typically assumes that China’s minority rights law must be a sham because China is an authoritarian state. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, China has articulated an “ethnic law” that elaborates rights and preferences that minorities value. At the same time, People’s Republic of China ethnic law is inadequate to grant the idealized range of minority rights claimed by the Chinese state, and some rights are…
The Tibet Issue in Post-Summit Sino-American Relations
Driven by Americans' cultural and religious interest in Tibet, the dispute between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama's 'government in exile' in India has recently become one of the most important in U.S.-China relations. Its ethnic, sovereignty and religious dimensions make the Tibet Question particularly intractable. Internal political pressures have made the Dalai Lama unwilling to abandon the goal of independence and the PRC leaders un…
Association, Federation and "Genuine" Autonomy
When we talk about whether something is true, we mean that what appears accords with the way a thing really exists. And whatever the level of discussion, whatever the issue, when there is a discrepancy between appearance and reali ty, we regard it as untrue (Dalai Lama 2000
Is Xinjiang an Internal Colony
Scholars and journalists use the phrase 'internal colonialism' to sum up the relationship between the PRC central government and Xinjiang, and the region does have ethnic conflict and a low degree of autonomy. Its relationship with the PRC centre and the political economy of Han/minority interaction indicate, however, that none of the elements of the internal colonialist concept are sufficiently present to warrant characterising Xinjiang as an in…
Tibet
As the myths surrounding the Tibetan cause are challenged by scholars, emigre leaders may reconsider their claim that an independent Tibet is inevitable. And China's leaders may confront the self-delusion that because the Tibet question will end with the Dalai Lama, a compromise settlement is unnecessary
Tibet
Peking Man and the Politics of Paleoanthropological Nationalism in China
Much attention has been focused on the recrudescence of Chinese nationalism in the 1990s. The PRC government generally denies, but occasionally defends, the existence of nationalism within China (Xi 1996). Many Chinese scholars acknowledge the phenomenon and debate its impact, with most evincing a positive attitude toward nationalism (Zhang Xudong 1997; Xiao 1997; Sheng 1996; Wen 1996; Li 1995). Outside the PRC, Chinese nationalism is increasingl…
Resolving the Tibet Question
The dispute over China's territorial soveriegnty in Tibet has ranged for more than four decades. In 1998, following remarks by Jiang Zemin at a press conference with Bill Clinton in Beijing, the prospects for negotiations over the Tibet Question seemed bright. Within months, however, it was obvious that there had been no breakthrough. This study analyzes the likely reasons for the failure to achieve negotiations in the light of the main obstacles…
China's Tibet Policy
China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet
2005). China's Strategic Vulnerability to Minority Separatism in Tibet. Asian Affairs: An American Review: Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 87-118
The Politics of the Dalai Lama's New Initiative for Autonomy
In the late 1980s, the Dalai Lama first asserted that he was willing to no longer press for an independent Tibet. Until recently, however, scant progress was made toward negotiations between the Tibetan exiles and the government of the People's Republic of China: the PRC had shown no inclination to negotiate about matters beyond the Dalai Lama's own status, while the exiles had insisted that China renounce all control over affairs in Tibet, excep…
Colonialism, genocide, and Tibet
A central element of the narrative circulated by the Tibet Movement has been that China has carried out genocide and practised colonialism in Tibet. These notions are, for the most part, uncritically accepted by politicians and the media, especially in the West. This essay challenges such characterizations as inept and as obstacles to resolving the Tibet Question. It looks at whether convincing empirical evidence of physical and cultural genocide…
Friends and Interests
China's expanded links to Africa have created a discourse of how to characterize those ties. Western political forces and media have criticized every aspect of China's activities in Africa, while Chinese, with significant support from Africans, have mounted a spirited defense. This article examines several factors that make China's links with Africa distinctive, including China's aid and migration policies, the distinctive "Chinese model" of fore…
Colin Mackerras andAsian Ethnicity
Chinese have a proverb , (Qian ren zai shu; hou ren chengliang): ‘The people who come before plant the tree, those who come after enjoys its shade.’ Colin Mackerras, Editor-in-Chief for the first e
The Forest for the Trees
2007-2008 > Academic research: refereed > Publication in refereed journal
African Perspectives on China–Africa Links
Scholars and the international media often allude to a putative “African view” of Africa–China links, constructed from anecdotal evidence. Using random sample and university-based surveys, we elaborate the first empirically based study of what Africans think of their relationships with China. We reach three conclusions. First, African views are not nearly as negative as Western media make out, but are variegated and complex. Second, the survey re…
Trade, Investment, Power and the China-in-Africa Discourse
An international discourse of China-in-Africa has emerged, particularly in Western countries with dense links to Africa: the US, UK and France. While China's presence in Africa should be critically examined, interest in it in the West is skewed by elite perceptions of China as a rival for resources and influence in Africa and as a rising power, with the tone of the discourse far more negative than that accorded the Western presence in Africa
Chinese Farms in Zambia
Participation by Chinese in Zambia’s agriculture has involved three modes of engagement. Two of these, agro-socialist cooperation until the late 1980s and agro-capitalist “win-win,” since the 1990s, can be examined. The third one, an “agro-imperialist” mode, is not an experience, but a speculation, one possible future based on the Chinese state’s potential to allow firms from China to join in the large-scale, export-oriented “land grabs” by big t…
Political science (41 works) · China (31 works) · Law (27 works) · Sociology (27 works) · Law (24 works) · Politics (23 works) · Asian Geopolitics and Ethnography (17 works) · China's Ethnic Minorities and Relations (16 works) · Political economy (14 works) · Economics (12 works)