Richard Born
Biographic Data
| ID | 981295 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Richard Born |
| GIVEN NAMES | Richard |
| FAMILY NAME | Born |
| SIGNATURE | BORN R |
| AFFILIATIONS | Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, New York |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 17 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 306 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 17 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1974 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2018 |
| H-INDEX | 9 |
Drawing the Lines: Constraints on Partisan Gerrymandering in U.S. Politics
Nicholas R. Seabrook has written an important study that will cause researchers to reconsider the partisan and competitiveness consequences of congressional redistricting. For decades, debate has raged over the extent to which a party controlling its state’s line-redrawing process can increase its share of seats. Equally contentious has been the question of whether redistricting has made for more or less electoral competition. The vital contribut…
National Forces and the U.S. House Vote, 1980-2004: The Uncertain Progress of Nationalization
Much recent scholarly attention has focused on the theme of growing nationalization in U.S. House elections. In this study, I reach a mixed verdict concerning the extent to which national forces have become more determinative of the House vote from 1980 to 2004. Only voter partisanship, but not ideology, economic evaluations, or assessments of presidential candidates' personal qualities, has increased in importance during presidential year electi…
Party Polarization and the Rise of Partisan Voting in U.S. House Elections
Most explanations for the increased effect of partisanship on voting for the U.S. House focus on the polarization of parties at the elite levels of politics. It remains unclear, however, just how the two phenomena are connected. In this study, we find that partisans near the extreme of their respective party's prevailing ideology have largely been responsible for the change in voting behavior, because it is these voters who have experienced the g…
Congressional Incumbency and the Rise of Split-Ticket Voting
Despite the general recognition that incumbency has influenced voters' decisions to split their ballots for president and the House, past research has not focused on the specific magnitude of this effect and its responsibility for growing ticket-splitting in the United States. In this study, I find that incumbency was a powerful determinant of the step jump in ticket-splitting that occurred from the 1956-68 to 1972-92 periods. This is in contrast…
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model: Rejoinder
Assessing the Impact of Institutional and Election Forces on Evaluations of Congressional Incumbents
Previous efforts to understand inter-house differences in the way congressional incumbents are evaluated have been confounded by their neglect of senators with nonexpiring terms. Comparisons of these officeholders with senators seeking reelection and House members, respectively, permit isolating the operation of Senate election and institutional forces. In our analysis of five elections since 1978, we find that senators' lower popularity and grea…
The Shared Fortunes of Congress and Congressmen: Members May Run from Congress, but They Can't Hide
Political scientists frequently decry the so-called legislature-legislator dichotomy, whereby appraisals of individual congressmen are thought to be independent of those characterizing the congressional institution. In reality, the supporting evidence cited by proponents of the idea is insufficient; neither substantial disparities between the overall positivity of the two evaluations, nor differences in the way they are structured, foreclose the …
Surge and Decline, Negative Voting, and the Midterm Loss Phenomenon: A Simultaneous Choice Analysis
Campbell's surge and decline and Kernell's negative voting theories have been employed most frequently by researchers who seek to explain the invariable pattern of administration party vote loss in midterm House elections. Despite the original emphasis placed on voting as the act of selecting jointly from among the three options of abstention, Democratic choice, or Republican choice, all efforts to corroborate the theories have inappropriately tr…
Strategic Politicians and Unresponsive Voters
To resolve the paradoxical finding that economic conditions and presidential popularity powerfully relate to quadrennial movement in the House vote, but explain little individual voting variation, Jacobson and Kernell have advanced their "strategic politicians" model of midterm elections. Purportedly, the early-year political environment helps determine how many of a party's strong potential contenders risk challenging incumbents; voters in turn …
Partisan Intentions and Election Day Realities in the Congressional Redistricting Process
Political scientists have done little to resolve the question of whether or not a state party's command of congressional redistricting leads to payoffs in its share of delegation seats. Studies on the topic differ in their conclusions while being marred by methodological shortcomings. In analyzing districting plans from 1952 to 1982, one finds that partisan control of redistricting does have the expected effect on seat outcomes, but only modestly…
Reassessing the Decline of Presidential Coattails: U. S. House Elections from 1952-80
Few propositions in the congressional election literature generate as much consensus as the argument that presidential coattails have had a decreasing impact upon the electoral strength of congressional candidates. As we argue here, however, the basis for such a claim rests on inadequate supporting evidence. Sometimes the analytical perspective adopted by coattail studies has led the analysts astray: improper inferences about the strength of coat…
The Influence of House Primary Election Divisiveness on General Election Margins, 1962-76
Generational Replacement and the Growth of Incumbent Reelection Margins in the U.S. House
Virtually all congressional scholars investigating the rise of incumbent safety in the U.S. House have assumed that the responsible cause, regardless of its specific nature, is one which has affected incumbents generally. The sole exception is Fiorina, who speculates that increased overall safety results from recent freshmen's greater electoral strength. The analysis performed here confirms this generational replacement hypothesis. Much greater v…
House Incumbents and Inter-Election Vote Change
Cue-Taking within State Party Delegations in the U. S. House of Representatives
The "Agreement Level" Measure, and the Rice Index of Cohesion Revisited
As an improvement over existing indices of roll call cohesion, Steven Brams and Michael O'Leary have proposed a new Agreement Level (AL) measure which purportedly is unique in its abilities to yield values between zero and one for any sized voting body and to handle voting situations in which any numbers of voting options and roll calls are considered. Straightforward mathematical manipulation of the AL formula, however, demonstrates the essentia…
Strategic Politicians and Unresponsive Voters
To resolve the paradoxical finding that economic conditions and presidential popularity powerfully relate to quadrennial movement in the House vote, but explain little individual voting variation, Jacobson and Kernell have advanced their "strategic politicians" model of midterm elections. Purportedly, the early-year political environment helps determine how many of a party's strong potential contenders risk challenging incumbents; voters in turn …
The Influence of House Primary Election Divisiveness on General Election Margins, 1962-76
Partisan Intentions and Election Day Realities in the Congressional Redistricting Process
Political scientists have done little to resolve the question of whether or not a state party's command of congressional redistricting leads to payoffs in its share of delegation seats. Studies on the topic differ in their conclusions while being marred by methodological shortcomings. In analyzing districting plans from 1952 to 1982, one finds that partisan control of redistricting does have the expected effect on seat outcomes, but only modestly…
Generational Replacement and the Growth of Incumbent Reelection Margins in the U.S. House
Virtually all congressional scholars investigating the rise of incumbent safety in the U.S. House have assumed that the responsible cause, regardless of its specific nature, is one which has affected incumbents generally. The sole exception is Fiorina, who speculates that increased overall safety results from recent freshmen's greater electoral strength. The analysis performed here confirms this generational replacement hypothesis. Much greater v…
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model
The Shared Fortunes of Congress and Congressmen: Members May Run from Congress, but They Can't Hide
Political scientists frequently decry the so-called legislature-legislator dichotomy, whereby appraisals of individual congressmen are thought to be independent of those characterizing the congressional institution. In reality, the supporting evidence cited by proponents of the idea is insufficient; neither substantial disparities between the overall positivity of the two evaluations, nor differences in the way they are structured, foreclose the …
Reassessing the Decline of Presidential Coattails: U. S. House Elections from 1952-80
Few propositions in the congressional election literature generate as much consensus as the argument that presidential coattails have had a decreasing impact upon the electoral strength of congressional candidates. As we argue here, however, the basis for such a claim rests on inadequate supporting evidence. Sometimes the analytical perspective adopted by coattail studies has led the analysts astray: improper inferences about the strength of coat…
Surge and Decline, Negative Voting, and the Midterm Loss Phenomenon: A Simultaneous Choice Analysis
Campbell's surge and decline and Kernell's negative voting theories have been employed most frequently by researchers who seek to explain the invariable pattern of administration party vote loss in midterm House elections. Despite the original emphasis placed on voting as the act of selecting jointly from among the three options of abstention, Democratic choice, or Republican choice, all efforts to corroborate the theories have inappropriately tr…
House Incumbents and Inter-Election Vote Change
Congressional Incumbency and the Rise of Split-Ticket Voting
Despite the general recognition that incumbency has influenced voters' decisions to split their ballots for president and the House, past research has not focused on the specific magnitude of this effect and its responsibility for growing ticket-splitting in the United States. In this study, I find that incumbency was a powerful determinant of the step jump in ticket-splitting that occurred from the 1956-68 to 1972-92 periods. This is in contrast…
Assessing the Impact of Institutional and Election Forces on Evaluations of Congressional Incumbents
Previous efforts to understand inter-house differences in the way congressional incumbents are evaluated have been confounded by their neglect of senators with nonexpiring terms. Comparisons of these officeholders with senators seeking reelection and House members, respectively, permit isolating the operation of Senate election and institutional forces. In our analysis of five elections since 1978, we find that senators' lower popularity and grea…
Drawing the Lines: Constraints on Partisan Gerrymandering in U.S. Politics
Nicholas R. Seabrook has written an important study that will cause researchers to reconsider the partisan and competitiveness consequences of congressional redistricting. For decades, debate has raged over the extent to which a party controlling its state’s line-redrawing process can increase its share of seats. Equally contentious has been the question of whether redistricting has made for more or less electoral competition. The vital contribut…
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model: Rejoinder
Party Polarization and the Rise of Partisan Voting in U.S. House Elections
Most explanations for the increased effect of partisanship on voting for the U.S. House focus on the polarization of parties at the elite levels of politics. It remains unclear, however, just how the two phenomena are connected. In this study, we find that partisans near the extreme of their respective party's prevailing ideology have largely been responsible for the change in voting behavior, because it is these voters who have experienced the g…
National Forces and the U.S. House Vote, 1980-2004: The Uncertain Progress of Nationalization
Much recent scholarly attention has focused on the theme of growing nationalization in U.S. House elections. In this study, I reach a mixed verdict concerning the extent to which national forces have become more determinative of the House vote from 1980 to 2004. Only voter partisanship, but not ideology, economic evaluations, or assessments of presidential candidates' personal qualities, has increased in importance during presidential year electi…
Cue-Taking within State Party Delegations in the U. S. House of Representatives
The "Agreement Level" Measure, and the Rice Index of Cohesion Revisited
As an improvement over existing indices of roll call cohesion, Steven Brams and Michael O'Leary have proposed a new Agreement Level (AL) measure which purportedly is unique in its abilities to yield values between zero and one for any sized voting body and to handle voting situations in which any numbers of voting options and roll calls are considered. Straightforward mathematical manipulation of the AL formula, however, demonstrates the essentia…
The "Agreement Level" Measure, and the Rice Index of Cohesion Revisited
As an improvement over existing indices of roll call cohesion, Steven Brams and Michael O'Leary have proposed a new Agreement Level (AL) measure which purportedly is unique in its abilities to yield values between zero and one for any sized voting body and to handle voting situations in which any numbers of voting options and roll calls are considered. Straightforward mathematical manipulation of the AL formula, however, demonstrates the essentia…
Cue-Taking within State Party Delegations in the U. S. House of Representatives
House Incumbents and Inter-Election Vote Change
Generational Replacement and the Growth of Incumbent Reelection Margins in the U.S. House
Virtually all congressional scholars investigating the rise of incumbent safety in the U.S. House have assumed that the responsible cause, regardless of its specific nature, is one which has affected incumbents generally. The sole exception is Fiorina, who speculates that increased overall safety results from recent freshmen's greater electoral strength. The analysis performed here confirms this generational replacement hypothesis. Much greater v…
The Influence of House Primary Election Divisiveness on General Election Margins, 1962-76
Reassessing the Decline of Presidential Coattails: U. S. House Elections from 1952-80
Few propositions in the congressional election literature generate as much consensus as the argument that presidential coattails have had a decreasing impact upon the electoral strength of congressional candidates. As we argue here, however, the basis for such a claim rests on inadequate supporting evidence. Sometimes the analytical perspective adopted by coattail studies has led the analysts astray: improper inferences about the strength of coat…
Partisan Intentions and Election Day Realities in the Congressional Redistricting Process
Political scientists have done little to resolve the question of whether or not a state party's command of congressional redistricting leads to payoffs in its share of delegation seats. Studies on the topic differ in their conclusions while being marred by methodological shortcomings. In analyzing districting plans from 1952 to 1982, one finds that partisan control of redistricting does have the expected effect on seat outcomes, but only modestly…
Strategic Politicians and Unresponsive Voters
To resolve the paradoxical finding that economic conditions and presidential popularity powerfully relate to quadrennial movement in the House vote, but explain little individual voting variation, Jacobson and Kernell have advanced their "strategic politicians" model of midterm elections. Purportedly, the early-year political environment helps determine how many of a party's strong potential contenders risk challenging incumbents; voters in turn …
The Shared Fortunes of Congress and Congressmen: Members May Run from Congress, but They Can't Hide
Political scientists frequently decry the so-called legislature-legislator dichotomy, whereby appraisals of individual congressmen are thought to be independent of those characterizing the congressional institution. In reality, the supporting evidence cited by proponents of the idea is insufficient; neither substantial disparities between the overall positivity of the two evaluations, nor differences in the way they are structured, foreclose the …
Surge and Decline, Negative Voting, and the Midterm Loss Phenomenon: A Simultaneous Choice Analysis
Campbell's surge and decline and Kernell's negative voting theories have been employed most frequently by researchers who seek to explain the invariable pattern of administration party vote loss in midterm House elections. Despite the original emphasis placed on voting as the act of selecting jointly from among the three options of abstention, Democratic choice, or Republican choice, all efforts to corroborate the theories have inappropriately tr…
Assessing the Impact of Institutional and Election Forces on Evaluations of Congressional Incumbents
Previous efforts to understand inter-house differences in the way congressional incumbents are evaluated have been confounded by their neglect of senators with nonexpiring terms. Comparisons of these officeholders with senators seeking reelection and House members, respectively, permit isolating the operation of Senate election and institutional forces. In our analysis of five elections since 1978, we find that senators' lower popularity and grea…
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model
Split-Ticket Voters, Divided Government, and Fiorina's Policy-Balancing Model: Rejoinder
Congressional Incumbency and the Rise of Split-Ticket Voting
Despite the general recognition that incumbency has influenced voters' decisions to split their ballots for president and the House, past research has not focused on the specific magnitude of this effect and its responsibility for growing ticket-splitting in the United States. In this study, I find that incumbency was a powerful determinant of the step jump in ticket-splitting that occurred from the 1956-68 to 1972-92 periods. This is in contrast…
National Forces and the U.S. House Vote, 1980-2004: The Uncertain Progress of Nationalization
Much recent scholarly attention has focused on the theme of growing nationalization in U.S. House elections. In this study, I reach a mixed verdict concerning the extent to which national forces have become more determinative of the House vote from 1980 to 2004. Only voter partisanship, but not ideology, economic evaluations, or assessments of presidential candidates' personal qualities, has increased in importance during presidential year electi…
Party Polarization and the Rise of Partisan Voting in U.S. House Elections
Most explanations for the increased effect of partisanship on voting for the U.S. House focus on the polarization of parties at the elite levels of politics. It remains unclear, however, just how the two phenomena are connected. In this study, we find that partisans near the extreme of their respective party's prevailing ideology have largely been responsible for the change in voting behavior, because it is these voters who have experienced the g…
Drawing the Lines: Constraints on Partisan Gerrymandering in U.S. Politics
Nicholas R. Seabrook has written an important study that will cause researchers to reconsider the partisan and competitiveness consequences of congressional redistricting. For decades, debate has raged over the extent to which a party controlling its state’s line-redrawing process can increase its share of seats. Equally contentious has been the question of whether redistricting has made for more or less electoral competition. The vital contribut…
Political science (17 works) · Law (16 works) · Politics (16 works) · Law (15 works) · Economics (13 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (13 works) · Political economy (10 works) · Public Administration (8 works) · Public Administration (8 works) · Voting (8 works)