Howard Lasnik
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 741013 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Howard Lasnik |
| PRENOMES | Howard |
| SOBRENOME | Lasnik |
| ASSINATURA | LASNIK H |
| AFILIAÇÕES | University of Maryland, College Park |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8221-9246 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 31 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 201 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 30 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 1 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1977 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2021 |
| ÍNDICE H | 8 |
Levels of Representation and Semantic Interpretation
The nature of the relationship between sentence form and meaning has been an important concern in generative grammar from the inception of the program. Chomsky (1955) raised the question of whether transformations preserve meaning. The suggested answer was negative at that time, and the locus of interpretation was the T-marker, the entire derivational history. In the standard theory of Chomsky (1965), it was proposed, based on work of Katz, Fodor…
Syntactic Structures after 60 Years
How to Neutralize a Finite Clause Boundary
A bound pronoun in the subject position of a finite embedded clause renders the clause boundary relatively transparent to relations ordinarily confined to monoclausal, control, and raising configurations. For example, too/ enough-movement structures involving a finite clause boundary are degraded in sentences like * This book is too long [for John to claim [that Bill read ___ in a day]] but improved when the finite clause has a bound pronominal s…
Condition C Violations and Strong Crossover
This chapter provides historical overview of Condition C and strong crossover (SCO). These conceptions grew out of investigations into studies of conditions on backward pronominalization in English. Central to many of these investigations were developing notions of command (Ross 1967a; Langacker 1969; Culicover 1976; Lasnik 1976). The core idea of the Condition C account of SCO had been developed by Wasow (1972), who proposed reducing SCO to a co…
Long NP ‐Movement
It has been known since the earliest days of generative grammar that NP‐movement (typically movement into subject position, later called A‐movement) obeys very strict locality conditions. By “long NP‐movement,” we mean movement in violation of these conditions. Chomsky reformulated the traditional clause‐mate constraint on such movement into the Tensed‐ Sentence Condition (TSC, barring movement out of a finite clause) and the Specified‐Subject Co…
Syntactic Structures
Chomsky (1955), The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory (henceforth LSLT), laid out in great detail the formal foundations for a rigorous new way of looking at language scientifcally, transformational generative grammar. This awesome accomplishment was announced to the world in Chomsky (1957), Syntactic Structures (henceforth SS), a publication that revolutionized the feld, or really, created a new feld. Needless to say, syntactic theory has u…
Parametric variations in Mandarin and English denominal verb derivation
Multiple Sluicing in English
Several cases have been discovered where syntactic violations seem to be "repaired" by sluicing. One such case is repair of island violations, first observed by Ross (1969). Another is situations in which a normally obligatory movement fails to apply and the derivation is seemingly salvaged by ellipsis. Another potential instance of repair by ellipsis involves cases where an element moves although it should not have, but the violation is seemingl…
Teaching introductory graduate syntax
I discuss my experiences teaching introductory graduate syntax for forty years and offer some observations and suggestions that might be helpful to others. I particularly emphasize two things: (i) the importance of developing good homework problems and of timely and thoughtful responses to assignments, and (ii) the necessity of stimulating active participation in class discussion. I propose several techniques for making these things happen. I als…
A note on ‘Raising to Object’ in small clauses and full clauses
A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution
October 01 2010 A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution In Special Collection: CogNet Alex Drummond, Alex Drummond University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Norbert Hornstein, Norbert Hornstein University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Goog…
On the Development of Case Theory
Drawing on Jean-Roger Vergnaud’s argument that notions of Case and government are deeply embedded in the principles of Universal Grammar, this chapter explores the evolution of Case theory, which explains the distribution of phonetically realized subjects in infinitival clauses. It considers Vergnaud’s original formulation of a Case principle, which deals primarily with the distribution of phonetically realized noun phrase in the subject position…
Intervention and Repair
January 01 2006 Intervention and Repair In Special Collection: CogNet Cedric Boeckx, Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 ©…
The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing
October 01 2003 The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik, Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Myung-Kwan Park Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Online ISSN: 15…
On the Distribution of Null Complementizers
The article provides a comprehensive account of the distribution of the null complementizer in English that does not appeal to the notion of government, thus contributing to the minimalist goal of eliminating arbitrary relations such as government. The account is based on Pesetsky's (1992) proposal that the null complementizer is a PF affix, which we instantiate through the affix-hopping approach to affixation. We also provide an account of sever…
Successive-Cyclic Movement and Island Repair
It is well known that in sluicing constructions wh-dependencies can cross certain projections that are otherwise barriers to movement (Ross 1969, Chomsky 1972). This fact would follow under the assumption that the relevant barriers are somehow deactivated when phonologically deleted ("island repair"). The problem, however, is that another form of phonological deletion (VP-ellipsis; VPE) seems to be impossible in certain contexts where sluicing al…
On the poverty of the challenge
Positive data involving auxiliary fronting are never evidence for a constraint such as the structure-dependent hypothesis. At best, positive data of any complexity are direct evidence for a simple-minded hypothesis, of the sort of 'front the first auxiliary (after something or other)'. On the widespread assumption that negative data are generally unavailable to children learning language, a serious empiricist alternative to the rationalist view t…
A Note on the EPP
April 01 2001 A Note on the EPP In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 2001 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2001 Linguistic Inquiry (2001) 32 (2): 356–362. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2001.32.2.356 Cite Icon Cite P…
The Who/Whom Puzzle
On Feature Strength
Procrastinate (Chomsky 1993) favors covert movement; therefore, when movement is overt, it must have been forced to operate "early" by some special requirement, one that Chomsky codes into "strong features." I compare Chomsky's three successive theories of strong features and argue that two ellipsis phenomena, pseudogapping and sluicing, provide evidence bearing on the nature of strong features. I argue that movement or ellipsis can rescue a deri…
How Strict Is the Cycle
October 01 1999 How Strict Is the Cycle? In Special Collection: CogNet Željko Bošković, Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9…
Forum
Die generative Syntax wiederum hat in den vergangenen .Jahren entscheidende Einflsse durch das sogenannte "Minimalistische Pro
The Theory of Principles and Parameters
Essays on Anaphora
A note on anaphora and double objects
Successive-Cyclic Movement and Island Repair
It is well known that in sluicing constructions wh-dependencies can cross certain projections that are otherwise barriers to movement (Ross 1969, Chomsky 1972). This fact would follow under the assumption that the relevant barriers are somehow deactivated when phonologically deleted ("island repair"). The problem, however, is that another form of phonological deletion (VP-ellipsis; VPE) seems to be impossible in certain contexts where sluicing al…
On Feature Strength
Procrastinate (Chomsky 1993) favors covert movement; therefore, when movement is overt, it must have been forced to operate "early" by some special requirement, one that Chomsky codes into "strong features." I compare Chomsky's three successive theories of strong features and argue that two ellipsis phenomena, pseudogapping and sluicing, provide evidence bearing on the nature of strong features. I argue that movement or ellipsis can rescue a deri…
Multiple Sluicing in English
Several cases have been discovered where syntactic violations seem to be "repaired" by sluicing. One such case is repair of island violations, first observed by Ross (1969). Another is situations in which a normally obligatory movement fails to apply and the derivation is seemingly salvaged by ellipsis. Another potential instance of repair by ellipsis involves cases where an element moves although it should not have, but the violation is seemingl…
On the Distribution of Null Complementizers
The article provides a comprehensive account of the distribution of the null complementizer in English that does not appeal to the notion of government, thus contributing to the minimalist goal of eliminating arbitrary relations such as government. The account is based on Pesetsky's (1992) proposal that the null complementizer is a PF affix, which we instantiate through the affix-hopping approach to affixation. We also provide an account of sever…
A Note on the EPP
April 01 2001 A Note on the EPP In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 2001 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2001 Linguistic Inquiry (2001) 32 (2): 356–362. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2001.32.2.356 Cite Icon Cite P…
Subjects and the θ-criterion
How Strict Is the Cycle
October 01 1999 How Strict Is the Cycle? In Special Collection: CogNet Željko Bošković, Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9…
A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution
October 01 2010 A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution In Special Collection: CogNet Alex Drummond, Alex Drummond University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Norbert Hornstein, Norbert Hornstein University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Goog…
How to Neutralize a Finite Clause Boundary
A bound pronoun in the subject position of a finite embedded clause renders the clause boundary relatively transparent to relations ordinarily confined to monoclausal, control, and raising configurations. For example, too/ enough-movement structures involving a finite clause boundary are degraded in sentences like * This book is too long [for John to claim [that Bill read ___ in a day]] but improved when the finite clause has a bound pronominal s…
The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing
October 01 2003 The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik, Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Myung-Kwan Park Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Online ISSN: 15…
The Who/Whom Puzzle
A Restrictive Theory of Transformational Grammar
Intervention and Repair
January 01 2006 Intervention and Repair In Special Collection: CogNet Cedric Boeckx, Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 ©…
Parametric variations in Mandarin and English denominal verb derivation
On the acquisition of pronominal reference
A Restrictive Theory of Transformational Grammar
On the acquisition of pronominal reference
Subjects and the θ-criterion
Essays on Restrictiveness and Learnability
On the Nature of Proper Government
A Course in GB Syntax
A Course in GB Syntax is a new kind of linguistics textbook. It presents the fundamental concepts of the Government-Binding approach to syntax in a lecture-dialogue format that conveys the sense of a changing field, with live issues under debate.Students and professionals seeking a lucid introduction to the complexities of GB syntax will have the experience of participating in an actual course taught by a major practitioner. The presentation of f…
Essays on Anaphora
The Theory of Principles and Parameters
Forum
Die generative Syntax wiederum hat in den vergangenen .Jahren entscheidende Einflsse durch das sogenannte "Minimalistische Pro
On Feature Strength
Procrastinate (Chomsky 1993) favors covert movement; therefore, when movement is overt, it must have been forced to operate "early" by some special requirement, one that Chomsky codes into "strong features." I compare Chomsky's three successive theories of strong features and argue that two ellipsis phenomena, pseudogapping and sluicing, provide evidence bearing on the nature of strong features. I argue that movement or ellipsis can rescue a deri…
How Strict Is the Cycle
October 01 1999 How Strict Is the Cycle? In Special Collection: CogNet Željko Bošković, Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Željko Bošković University of Connecticut Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9…
The Who/Whom Puzzle
A Note on the EPP
April 01 2001 A Note on the EPP In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Connecticut Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 2001 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2001 Linguistic Inquiry (2001) 32 (2): 356–362. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2001.32.2.356 Cite Icon Cite P…
On the poverty of the challenge
Positive data involving auxiliary fronting are never evidence for a constraint such as the structure-dependent hypothesis. At best, positive data of any complexity are direct evidence for a simple-minded hypothesis, of the sort of 'front the first auxiliary (after something or other)'. On the widespread assumption that negative data are generally unavailable to children learning language, a serious empiricist alternative to the rationalist view t…
The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing
October 01 2003 The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing In Special Collection: CogNet Howard Lasnik, Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Myung-Kwan Park Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Myung-Kwan Park Dongguk University Online ISSN: 15…
On the Distribution of Null Complementizers
The article provides a comprehensive account of the distribution of the null complementizer in English that does not appeal to the notion of government, thus contributing to the minimalist goal of eliminating arbitrary relations such as government. The account is based on Pesetsky's (1992) proposal that the null complementizer is a PF affix, which we instantiate through the affix-hopping approach to affixation. We also provide an account of sever…
Successive-Cyclic Movement and Island Repair
It is well known that in sluicing constructions wh-dependencies can cross certain projections that are otherwise barriers to movement (Ross 1969, Chomsky 1972). This fact would follow under the assumption that the relevant barriers are somehow deactivated when phonologically deleted ("island repair"). The problem, however, is that another form of phonological deletion (VP-ellipsis; VPE) seems to be impossible in certain contexts where sluicing al…
Intervention and Repair
January 01 2006 Intervention and Repair In Special Collection: CogNet Cedric Boeckx, Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Cedric Boeckx Harvard University Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 ©…
On the Development of Case Theory
Drawing on Jean-Roger Vergnaud’s argument that notions of Case and government are deeply embedded in the principles of Universal Grammar, this chapter explores the evolution of Case theory, which explains the distribution of phonetically realized subjects in infinitival clauses. It considers Vergnaud’s original formulation of a Case principle, which deals primarily with the distribution of phonetically realized noun phrase in the subject position…
A note on ‘Raising to Object’ in small clauses and full clauses
A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution
October 01 2010 A Puzzle About P-Stranding and a Possible Solution In Special Collection: CogNet Alex Drummond, Alex Drummond University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Norbert Hornstein, Norbert Hornstein University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Howard Lasnik Howard Lasnik University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: This Site Goog…
Teaching introductory graduate syntax
I discuss my experiences teaching introductory graduate syntax for forty years and offer some observations and suggestions that might be helpful to others. I particularly emphasize two things: (i) the importance of developing good homework problems and of timely and thoughtful responses to assignments, and (ii) the necessity of stimulating active participation in class discussion. I propose several techniques for making these things happen. I als…
Multiple Sluicing in English
Several cases have been discovered where syntactic violations seem to be "repaired" by sluicing. One such case is repair of island violations, first observed by Ross (1969). Another is situations in which a normally obligatory movement fails to apply and the derivation is seemingly salvaged by ellipsis. Another potential instance of repair by ellipsis involves cases where an element moves although it should not have, but the violation is seemingl…
Parametric variations in Mandarin and English denominal verb derivation
Condition C Violations and Strong Crossover
This chapter provides historical overview of Condition C and strong crossover (SCO). These conceptions grew out of investigations into studies of conditions on backward pronominalization in English. Central to many of these investigations were developing notions of command (Ross 1967a; Langacker 1969; Culicover 1976; Lasnik 1976). The core idea of the Condition C account of SCO had been developed by Wasow (1972), who proposed reducing SCO to a co…
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