Oil Rents and Patronage
The Fiscal Effects of Oil Booms in the Argentine Provinces
Dados Bibliográficos
| ID | 6247654 |
|---|---|
| Autores | Lucas I González (0000-0002-9512-6049, autor correspondente) |
| Ano | 2018 |
| Volume | 51 |
| Fascículo | 1 |
| Páginas | 101-126 |
| Data de publicação | 2018-10-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sim |
| Open Access | Não |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Periódico | Comparative Politics (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores do periódico | ISSN: 0010-4159 • E-ISSN: 2151-6227 |
| Editora | Comparative Politics CUNY (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.5129/001041518824414629 |
| OpenAlex | W2901059818 |
| Idioma | EN |
| Citações recebidas | 8 |
| Referências citadas | 15 |
Oil rents turn democratic governments into authoritarian governments.They also help to consolidate and sustain authoritarian rule once in place.These are the claims several authors make connecting the rents from oil with the emergence and consolidation of authoritarian rule. 1 One of the most important causal connectors between large oil revenues and authoritarian rule is the way in which governments spend these rents from the oil sector.Some authors claim that rentier governments spend oil money to expand their political machines through patronage and clientelism, to buy off political loyalties, and to enlarge the repressive apparatus to suppress discontent.Several of these scholars argue that rentier theories adjust well to most countries in the Middle East (e.g., Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Iran), as well as to others in Africa (Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, and Libya), Southeast Asia (Indonesia and Malaysia), Latin America (Venezuela, Ecuador, and Mexico), and even Europe (Russia and Azerbaijan).Oildependent governments can also spend revenue from oil booms on public goods, such as public infrastructure or social services, which appeal to a larger portion of citizens and may broaden the support base of their electorate.Norway is the quintessential case, an oil state in which there seems to be no rentier effect, as well as Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom.When do oil-dependent governments decide to spend oil rents to expand their political machines through patronage, clientelism, and an enlarged repressive apparatus and when do they decide to provide better public services to their citizens to expand the support base of their electorate?This article analyzes the conditions under which large increases in oil rents produce more patronage and clientelism versus more spending in public services.In opposition to conventional rentier theories, this study argues that patronage spending tends to increase when oil rents decline in contexts of job destruction in the oil sector.Under those circumstances, incumbents use patronage to contain social discontent and secure their core voters.On the contrary, an increase in rents in contexts of job creation in the oil sector tends to increase capital investment.Under
Boom · Economic rent · Economics · Economy · Macroeconomics · Market economy · Oil boom · Energy, Environment, and Transportation Policies · Environmental Science
Do petroleum rents fuel conflict in developing countries? A case study of political instability in Timor-Leste
Crude credit
Avoiding the Political Resource Curse
The Impact of Oil Rents on Subnational Development
El análisis subnacional
Fiscal Federalism
El impacto del gobierno dividido y las probabilidades de alternancia en la deuda de las provincias argentinas (1996-2020)
Modes of Extraction in Latin America's Lithium Triangle
The Oil Curse
Does Oil Still Hinder Democracy
Oil and Politics in the Gulf
Global Capitaland National Politics
Natural-Resource Wealth and the Survival of Autocracy
A Rentier Theory of Subnational Regimes
State-sponsored development, oil and democratization
No Representation without Taxation? Rents, Development, and Democracy
Resource Wealth and Political Regimes in Africa
Electoral Competition, Globalization, and Subnational Education Spending in Mexico, 1999–2004
What Wins Votes
The State in the Middle East and North Africa
Scaling Down
Does Oil Hinder Democracy
What To Do (and Not to Do) with Time-Series Cross-Section Data
| Obras citantes distintas | 8 |
|---|---|
| Citações por ano | 1,14 |
| Intervalo de citações | 2019 - 2024 (6) |
| Velocidade de citação | recent |
| Altamente citado | Não |
| Tipos de citação | Neutras: 8 |