Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 10141454 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Selina Heidinger (0000-0002-2196-0743, University of Graz, corresponding author), Steffen Heidinger |
| Year | 2015 |
| Volume | 51 |
| Issue | 3 |
| Pages | 562-594 |
| Publication date | 2015-03-31 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Journal of Linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0022-2267 • E-ISSN: 1469-7742 |
| Publisher | Cambridge University Press (CUP) (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.1017/s0022226714000607 |
| OpenAlex | W2076018750 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 20 |
| References cited | 26 |
In French and Spanish, both parts of the causative–anticausative alternation can be formally encoded in two ways: Depending on the form of the verb, marked and unmarked causatives and marked and unmarked anticausatives can be distinguished. The goal of this paper is to verify whether causalness is a factor in the encoding and whether the two languages differ in this respect (verbs used more often as causatives than as anticausatives have a high degree of causalness, while verbs used more often as anticausatives than as causatives have a low degree of causalness). On the basis of a corpus study of 20 French and 20 Spanish verbs, it will be shown that in both languages a strong correlation between causalness and encoding exists. A high degree of causalness increases the likelihood that a verb’s anticausative is marked and the causative is unmarked, and a low degree of causalness increases the likelihood that a verb’s anticausative is unmarked and the causative is marked
Alternation (linguistics · Causative · Cognitive psychology · Degree (music · Encoding (memory · Linguistics · Physics · Verb · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Linguistics and Discourse Analysis · Mathematics · Philosophy · Psychology · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
External Arguments in Transitivity Alternations
Reflexive Marking in Romance
La inacusatividad y la alternancia causativa. El caso de los clíticos marginales en el español rioplatense
Verbos intransitivos y sus caminos de transitivización
Spanish Anticausative Inherent Reciprocals and Syntactic Reciprocals with Se
L’analyse constructionnelle des structures à réduction du sujet
The lexical pragmatics of reflexive marking
El vaso se rompió? Factores léxicos y contextuales en la alternanciacausativa
Moverunt per se navigia ipsa
Anticausativization and lability in Late Latin
Lability in Hittite and Indo‐European
Coding causal–noncausal verb alternations
Les formes réfléchies du verbe
Attraction or differentiation
Anticausatives in transitive guise
Semantic roles and the causative-anticausative alternation
The causative–anticausative alternation in Jordanian Arabic (JA)
Internally caused change as change by inner predisposition
The probability of external causation
Reflexive and unmarked anticausatives in French and Spanish
The Syntax of (Anti-)Causatives
The properties of anticausatives crosslinguistically
More on the typology of inchoative/causative verb alternations
Sémantisme entéléchique et affinité descriptive
Trends in Soviet Theoretical Linguistics
Anticausativization
The persistence of labile verbs in the French causative-anticausative alternation
Change of state and valency
Coding causal–noncausal verb alternations
Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries
Against markedness (and what to replace it with)
Anticausatives
Concealed Causatives
The problem with internally caused change-of-state verbs
The Causative Alternation
Anticausatives have no Cause(r)
In defense of the reflexivization analysis of anticausativization
Complications in diagnosing lexical meaning
Transitivity pairs, markedness, and diachronic stability
Conceptual and grammatical characteristics of argument alternations
| Unique citing works | 20 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1,67 |
| Citation span | 2014 - 2026 (13) |
| Citation velocity | current |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 20 |