Intermediaries as Change Agents
Translating, Interpreting, and Expanding Socialism
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 10480922 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Katerina Clark (0009-0005-2210-1034, Medical Protective, corresponding author), Constantin I Iordachi (Medical Protective, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2023 |
| Volume | 82 |
| Issue | 3 |
| Pages | 387-400 |
| Publication date | 2023-04-27 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | The Russian Review (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0036-0341 • E-ISSN: 1467-9434 |
| Publisher | Wiley (PUBLISHER • GB) |
| DOI | 10.1111/russ.12490 |
| OpenAlex | W4367180386 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 1 |
The last decade has witnessed immense growth in the study of the Soviet Union and the world. The transnational wave is still cresting and new geographies have opened alongside new analytical paradigms.1 The Russian Revolution is now inseparable from its global reverberations.2 The closed Moscow of the 1930s has become cosmopolitan.3 Instead of a bipolar struggle we have a “global cold war” with flash points and opportunities for actors across the Global South.4 The Iron Curtain has become a “semi-permeable membrane.”5 Globalization had a “red” counterpart, linking the “Second” and “Third” worlds.6 And “socialist internationalism” was entangled with an array of competing global projects.7 A student wishing to study Africa’s engagement with the Soviet Union, for example, now has a wealth of new approaches to inform and inspire.8 Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022—launched while this thematic cluster was mid-revision—has rocked the historical field. It is too early to know whether we have entered a new historiographical moment, but calls to “de-colonize” the field promise to bring new scrutiny to the “imperial turn,” while creating new urgency for national frames not only in Ukraine but Central Asia and elsewhere.9 Some might suggest that the very framing of “transnationalism” provides a naturalizing veil for Soviet empire-building.10 In light of recent events, is a coherent picture of the Soviet Union and the world even possible? Scholarship under the banner of Soviet empire, Soviet nationality policy, and socialist internationalism and transnationalism has illuminated an array of geographies and spanned each decade of the twentieth century. How can one draw connections among the eras of transnational activity? And how can one build on the insights of the imperial frame without being regarded as empire’s handmaiden? To integrate the discreet eras of transnational socialism and to offer a useful frame for further study, we propose a focus on actors, practices, and modes to trace how nebulous terms like “socialist internationalism” actually functioned and changed over time. Although all four articles in this cluster have at least one foot in the Soviet context, we choose the term “socialist” in the hope that this framework may be instructive for a broader geography of socialist states and movements. We propose the term “socialist mediation”—embodied by “socialist intermediaries”—as a fruitful framework for elucidating the characteristic practices and tensions inherent in transnational Communism and as a conceptual bridge to link its discrete eras.11 As these articles suggest, a biographical sensitivity is often suited to reveal the diverse ways individuals interpreted, translated, and transformed socialism and its emergent institutions in new contexts. By the same token, this approach permits a vantage from which to appreciate transnational socialism’s flexible but frequently precarious reliance on its intermediaries. What is meant by “socialist intermediary” and where does the term originate? As we elaborate below, we have in mind those individuals summoned—by vocation or by circumstance—to pursue the interests of socialism to novel, transnational, and transcultural audiences. Their experiences are characterized by three recurrent dynamics: the combined tension of privilege and vulnerability inherent among imperial intermediaries; the imperative to interpret and translate socialism, often in heterogeneous ways, in contrast to imperfect synonyms like “representatives” or “transmitters” of socialism; and the pursuit of transformation. In their most extreme form, socialist intermediaries pursued something akin to spiritual conversion and, in a lesser register, promoted “mere” cultural change, but in all cases these pursuits stood in contrast to narrow policy outcomes or superficial realignments. Intermediaries as designated subjects of study emerge from imperial historiography. Although the term was perennial topic of inquiry, Frederick Cooper and Jane Burbank’s Empires in World History (2010) elevated it to new visibility, where imperial intermediaries played key roles in establishing and maintaining an empire’s “rule of difference.”12 For Burbank and Cooper imperial rule is inseparable from a reliance on intermediaries due to its inexorable state of expansion. This centrifugal movement inherently stretches the social fabric of an empire’s dominant or titular group, which cannot be dispatched infinitely, hence the reliance on designated representatives. Among the paradigmatic intermediaries they cite are indigenous conquered elites, colonial settlers, and slaves. They demonstrate how imperial states balance “incentives” and “discipline” for intermediaries, highlighting the inherent tension of imperial rule that, at best, produces “contingent accommodation” between the state and its agents, whose relative autonomy inevitably creates “subversive possibilities.”13 Scholars of Eurasian empires have noted that intermediaries were often selected from among diasporas, creating a dynamic that informs our understanding of socialist intermediaries. Intermediary communities developed in symbiosis with their host states, profiting from their alterity while being subject to restrictions. In the Ottoman context Phanariot Greeks became diplomats and Balkan Christian slaves became Janissaries.14 Armenian traders extended networks across the Russian, Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal empires. Imperial intermediaries can be thought of as embodying the “legal pluralism” of imperial rule, whose particular arrangement of privilege and obligation is especially stark.15 According to Yuri Slezkine, an empire’s intermediaries lived by their “wit, craft, and art” rather than by direct production, confining their “raison d’être [to] the maintenance of difference, the conscious preservation of the self and thus of strangeness,” especially preserved via practices like dietary law and endogamy.16 Natalie Rothman cautions against assuming intermediaries to be inherently in-between figures, hence her attention to their own rhetoric and embeddedness in institutions that enable their activity.17 In turn, we note that socialist intermediaries often shared this imperative to preserve their distinctions, especially because entry into their rank was more voluntary than heritable under Soviet conditions.18 Even Erik Scott’s Georgians as “familiar strangers” forms a novel hybrid of voluntary and heritable mediation in the Soviet context, requiring performance no less than passport nationality. In short, imperial intermediaries are not simply born; they are made via institutions and self-fashioning. The above discussion has focused on the positionality of socialist intermediaries, but we must also clarify the nature of socialist translation and interpretation. We note that much scholarly attention to the precarity of group boundaries has been explicitly and implicitly informed by Bruno Latour, whose notion to “reassemble the social” would place intermediaries at the cusp of novel “associations.”19 The perceived incommensurability between cultures opened spaces for intermediaries to interpret and translate, and thereby articulate new connections or reinforce existing ones. In his elegant discussion of tongchi interpreters, the Muslim subjects of Xinjiang trained in Confucian schools who mediated local Muslims’ interactions with the Qing administration, Eric Schluessel observes actors “endowed with the capacity to translate what they transport, to redefine it, redeploy it, and also to betray it.”20 Their ability to exploit the “information gap” between Muslims and the state provoked resentment from both sides. Schluessel argues that the tongchi’s “constant motion across a gap between two modes of representation drew attention to the difference between them,” which ultimately worked to undermine the very purpose of Confucian schools: namely, to produce “agents of transformation” and inculcate Confucian values on the colonial frontier.21 This is a sobering assessment of the intermediary vocation for the imperial center. Although varying by degrees, an agenda of transformation was implicit in much modern imperial mediation, whether to make imperial subjects Russian, Confucian, “civilized,” or some other formulation. However, as is generally agreed, in most colonial empires this mission was highly contingent, hidden, or poorly supported. Its pace was glacial—often purposefully so. With the champions of socialism, the agenda to be and supported. of a picture as Qing in which boundaries between may have we a dynamic picture of change, characterized by and to be but also much into and even This was not the for colonial subjects of for new this was the of the to an who not be made to in This often And while the of the of to the study of socialism the very is at least one that the framework of socialism as a has analytical In turn, socialism’s nature as and it a of Soviet socialist intermediaries were not simply diplomats state interests in the early of the Russian and in the of socialism’s not but rather to And even as the Soviet in the and early the light of socialism as a was To the of “socialist internationalism” in the as or the pursuit of would be to the spiritual that in What is from the of intermediaries to this picture of It to more the of socialist imperial intermediaries were to the imperial “rule of and their of mediation boundaries of socialism’s intermediaries to these In of a they to the of difference that mediation inevitably In other socialist is vantage from which to socialism’s akin to the that the with over the actually in its In this each socialist intermediary to his or her often by their mediation as as This of socialist mediation to the of This is in a narrow the of or to be into new socialism was more than an but rather a social which only be and by As even the context the Revolution to new cultural was not a This to by those who rhetoric and even that to the translation was a which the it the focus on their meant that translation was not only but also the of in new contexts. were to be it was by often and the And the socialist was not only with of the was the of whether in the of or In turn, of the translation was to shared to which may not have they were under It was often the of socialism’s that its intermediaries to at least of socialism, as in this In the socialist intermediaries the boundaries of the even it to its on and cultural the and of Schluessel observes that the of tongchi was in other a that was to state of that in the in its and the and the of translation with and By the translation in the Soviet Union became a to bridge not only but also and became in their own of these translation with imperial or which in to the frame of the A We are not the to note the of in imperial and transnational socialist This is due to the of biographical by an its social context, the and the social to each a approach to and the of and as they at the of the from which is a frame by the to a like in this cluster the biographical from the of who their as socialist We suggest that the as a where socialism was and promise for broader in the in the socialist world. 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Although World is a is to it in a broader of socialist internationalism that can be illuminated the of its intermediaries. a an discussion of the among the a scholarly of the most of Soviet cultural intermediaries, as and while the of mediation were in the Soviet where national shared their and cultural with the in modes of internationalism was the of state boundaries and, with it, the between state and actors, with made by and in this on were also of their own of World the Soviet the of global socialism as an of was into the Soviet a of socialist The of on a new of socialist intermediaries, from trained in the to of Soviet or dispatched to in the to Soviet or who to to their in was not a the from and became of an entangled still mediated by the of intermediaries at The of made the of some of the most forms of the the of the Soviet and and the of national modes of socialism not only in but also in and the the socialist world and one of the world. intermediaries the to a with as a movement of The was a array of socialist and new forms of internationalism the as as of world and in the world. 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| Unique citing works | 1 |
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| Citations per year | 1 |
| Citation span | 2026 - 2026 (1) |
| Citation velocity | current |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 1 |