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From revival to mutation

The religious personnel of Islam in Tajikistan, from de-Stalinization to independence (1955–91)

Bibliographic Data

ID11450659
AuthorsStéphane A Dudoignon (0000-0002-7408-0045, National Council for Scientific Research, corresponding author)
Year2011
Volume30
Issue1
Pages53-80
Publication date2011-03-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueCentral Asian Survey (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0263-4937 • E-ISSN: 1465-3354
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/02634937.2011.557857
OpenAlexW2029317506
LanguageEN
Citations received16
References cited15

Thou hast done well: This is God Who hath brought thee here!' Īšān Tīmūr Hwāja (born 1948) to the author, summer village of Sang-i Milla-yi Bālā, district of Šahr-i Naw, Tajikistan, 10 August 2009 On the basis of a reconstruction of the careers of a variety of religious personnel of Islam in the Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic, from de-Stalinization to independence, this article aims to shed light on some neglected features of Islam in Soviet Central Asia. Questioning the present-day hagiographic process, and confronting the data of oral history with those of pre-modern Muslim hagiography and biographies of religious scholars, this article assesses the specific Islamic revival that has been taking place in Central Asia in the aftermath of the reopening of the Gulag in 1955–56. It also deals with the lasting Kulturkampf, engineered by the Soviet authorities, between the Fergana-born Uzbek-speaking accredited staff of the Muslim Spiritual Board on the one hand, and the Persian-speaking leaders of prominent Sufi lineages with Bukhara and Samarqand pedigrees on the other. The role of mass population transfers in this phenomenon is evoked through their impact on the disruption of the Sufi masters' sacred 'territories' (Persian: qalamraw), and the increasing role of the latter as community builders. Acting as alternative figures to pre-modern khans, the Soviet saints of Islam, who have become the objects of a rich hagiographic process, are also introduced as the bearers and transmitters of pre-modern court culture that vanished from Central Asia in the early 1920s. Special consideration is given to the mutual relationship and competition between the scholars ('ulama) of the Spiritual Board and the gnostics ('urafa) of the Sufi paths, as well as to the former's contribution to a revival of Turkic Islamic culture – notably through the comment of Chaghatay didactical literature within active, though underground, literary circles. Keywords: IslamSufismCentral AsiaTajikistanreligious personnelreligious sociologybiographyhagiography Notes So far, the bulk of the material collected remains unprocessed. The present article comes after only two biographical notes in Russian, extracted from a corpus in the making of biographies: Dudoignon (Citation2010a, Citation2010b). As to the author's contributions on the revival of traditional intellectual sociability in Soviet Persian-speaking Central Asia, see below, n. 55. On the development of ṭabaqāt literature in the pre-modern world of Islam, see notably Smith (2005) and Toelle and Zakaria (Citation2005, pp. 131–135). The tazākir (sing. tazkira) are biographical dictionaries or anthologies of saints usually belonging to a specific geographical locale; the malfūẓāt comprise the oral discourses of Sufi saints recorded in written texts. For an overview of the figure of the saint in Persian (and Turkic) hagiographic literature of pre-modern Central Asia, cf. DeWeese Citation(2002) and Paul Citation(2002). For comparative studies in modern and pre-modern biographical tradition, see for instance Mervin (Citation1998, Citation2003) and my comments on these works in Dudoignon (Citation2004a, pp. 1105–1107). On this category and on its almost continuous quantitative significance within the Tajik SSR, see for instance Ro'i (Citation2000, pp. 289–90); see more recently Tasar (Citation2010, pp. 109–122). The resources of state archive collections of the former USSR for the history of Islam in Soviet Central Asia have been exposed and exploited in the last 20 years by several outstanding historical works: Ro'i (Citation2000, in particular pp. 2–9), with considerations of the various types of inaccuracies in Soviet archive sources; Keller Citation(2001), and my review of this book in the reader's breviary, the bibliographic journal Central Eurasian Reader (henceforth CER) 1, 2008, pp. 272–273; see also Tasar (Citation2010, pp. 16–19). As for instance in the mid-1950s, before the violent reaction of 1958–59: Central State Archive of Tajikistan (henceforth CSAT), F.516, O.1, D.100-101 ― with telling data on the intensification of the closures of non-registered mosques in 1949–50 (31 closures), and in 1958–61 (243 closures, confirming retrospectively the relatively significant amount of identified non-registered mosques active in the 1950s). For implementation of the religious policy of the USSR towards Islam, see Ro'i (Citation2000, pp. 589-606) and Tasar (Citation2010, pp. 205–214). The author borrows this term from Hamid Citation(2007). For this reason among others, the key criterion for the selection of the figureheads who have been dealt with in the framework of this research has been either: (1) the existence on them of an oral or even sometimes, as we shall see, nascent, written hagiographic tradition; or (2) their personal role as an element and vector of this tradition in the case of pupils and disciples of prominent culamā and šayh s. On Dahbīd and the Dahbīdiyya, see the section on competence or genealogy and n. 61. See the short presentation of the Ḥanafī School in the Persian world by Schwartz Citation(2002). On the international political resonance of this event, and its significance for the relations between Sunnis and Shiites in the Middle East and Central Asia, see Dudoignon Citation(2011a). See Dudoignon (Citation2004b, pp. 220, 226–234); the reference work as to the development of comparable hagiographies in pre-modern times remains DeWeese Citation(2000). My most complete biographical data on Īšān Quṭb al-Dīn's nascent posthumous personal tradition among Higher and Lower Mačāhī populations (with reference to his spiritual teaching and 'miracles [karāmāt]') came from my conversation with local Imam Mīr Rāziq Ṣādiqzāda (Sodiqov), village of Šamtīč (or Šamtūč), district of cAynī, 6 August 2006. To date, the reflection on the possible historical use of hagiographical literature has been significantly more developed by specialists of pre-modern periods than by historians of the twentieth century. (As for European studies, see in particular Goulet [2005, pp. 9–27]). On the issues and methods of the utilization of conversion narratives and, more generally, of hagiographical texts for the history of Islam in Central Asia, see DeWeese (Citation1994, pp. 10–16, 160–79; 2006). One of the first works opening up this major taboo of Tajikistani collective memory, and confirming its role as a major founding drama of the country's contemporary national history, has been the pioneering monograph by Sh. Kurbanova (Citation1993, esp. pp. 51–79). See also the historical works by R. Abdulhaev (especially [2009, pp. 207–236]). See, for instance, the telling case of Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn 'Ġāzī' (1929–92), whose father had come from Qandahar in Afghanistan and settled down in the steppe of Ġāzī-Malik, south of Ḥiṣār. Oral testimonies at our disposal about him often focus on his radical stance against the Soviet regime from 1979 onwards (Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn authored odes to Ayatollah Khomeini), and on his personal rivalry with historical lineages of the Naqšbandiyya originating from the Qarategin Valley. His laqab of Ġāzī (fighter for Islam in infidel territory) postulates his rejection of the USSR as a whole. The Persian term qalamraw often appears in narratives on his deeds, especially when conversation turns to his conflicts with his arch-rival in the Ḥiṣār Valley, Naqšbandī šayh Dāmullā Šarīf Ḥiṣārī (1893–1990), who is often identified by supporters of Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn as a servile collaborator with the Soviet authorities. (On Dāmullā Šarīf and his political role in the Ḥiṣār Valley, see the section on the transmission of Persianate learning). My data on these aspects of Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn's biography come from an interview with Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn's youngest son from a second marriage, Sayyid Maẓhar al-Dīn Ġāzī, in Dushanbe, 27 October 2005; and from a second, longer interview with Īšān Sayyid Asrār al-Dīn, Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn's elder son from a first marriage, and Halīfa Muḥammad-Rajab b. Bābā-Kalān, a murīd and miracle-teller (karāmat-gū) of Īšān Sayyid Imām al-Dīn's, in Qarāġāč, a destitute village well off the trunk road from Dushanbe to Qurghan-Teppa, in the family and community's necropolis near Qāq-Sang in the same area, 16 July 2007. First developments on this aspect are to be found in Dudoignon (Citation1994, esp. pp. 93–96); discussed in detail by Rubin (Citation1998, pp. 143–152). See also Dudoignon (Citation1998 pp. 73–78; 2000). Cf. Courtois et al. (1998); Merl Citation(2002). The release that started in 1954 owes one of its peculiarities to the fact that the political prisoners could return after their time was over; under Stalin they normally were sentenced additionally. After Khrushchev's speech, no further releases would take place, just rehabilitations (pers.comm. with Stephan Merl, 12–13 July 2010). To the contrary of many literary assemblies of the 1920s–30s: on the latter, see for instance Dudoignon (Citation2002, pp. 149–153) on the religious dimension of the literary assemblies at novel writer cAbd-Allah Qādirī's place in Tashkent in the decade preceding the highest wave of the Red Terror, and on the Islamic rituals performed in this framework. See notably the assessment by Keller (Citation2001, pp. 247–250). Periodization sketched notably by Halbach Citation(2004). See the testimony by the local historian of modern Islam, Abdulhai Mahmadaminov (Citation2004, pp. 113–133), with interesting, detailed comparative analysis of the textbooks from these varied periods of time ― cf. also my review of this book in CER 1, 2008, pp. 402–403. Cf. Babadjanov Citation(2000), Babadjanov and Kamilov (Citation2001, pp. 200–206). On early-modern developments of Central Asian debates on jihad and its renouncement, see the pioneering work on Xinjiang under Qing domination by Hamada Citation(2001); for tawakkul more generally see Lewisohn Citation(2000). As for early-twentieth-century quibbles against the ṭarīqāt and īšāns, see notably Zarcone Citation(1997), Hamada Citation(1999), and Dudoignon (2010c). On the continuation of these discussions during the Soviet period and the role played in them by the reformist culamā of the SADUM, see notably Muminov Citation(2005) and Tasar (Citation2010, pp. 185–201). On the prestige of the culamā of the SADUM in the early Soviet period, see Arapov Citation(2006) ― and my review of this article in CER 1 (2008), pp. 384–385. Dudoignon (Citation1994, pp. 93–96, 2011b). For instance, on the key role of new converts, see the productive sociological remarks by Roy (Citation2008, pp. 28–36), with a case study from Tajikistani Pamir (pp. 102–103). About the gradual appearance of new protagonists of Islamic education in Tajikistan since the early 1990s (however with relatively little interest in significant institutions developed during the last decades of the Soviet period in often remote rural areas of the country), see notably Epkenhans (Citation2009, pp. 321–340); Abramson (Citation2010, pp. 36–43). For a subtle pioneering study of the cultural and psychological impact of exposure of Central Asian students in religion to new contexts, see Bissenova (Citation2005, pp. 253–263). Cf. above n. 7. On these specific developments of hajj narratives during the Soviet period, see notably Dudoignon Citation(2007). See for instance CSAT F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 54, D. 7 ('Materialy o prebyvanii dukhovnykh inostrannykh delegatsii i inturistov [Materials on the Sojourn of Foreign Spiritual Delegations and Inturists, May 17 – November 27, 1956]'), ff. 27, 46: Qāżī cAbd al-Rašīd comes second in the list (third in the list of the welcoming delegation at the airport) after the then Qāżī of the Tajik SSR, Dāmullā cAbd al-Sattār Rafīqzāda (Sattar Rafikov); CSAT, F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 66, D. 6 (same title, 23 May – 8 August 1957), f. 22: Qāżī cAbd al-Rašīd is third on the list of the delegation led by Qāżī cAbd al-Majīd Yūsufzāda (in charge from 1957 to 1961) in the welcome of a group of Pakistani clerics led by the chairman of the Jamciyyat al-cUlamāc-i Islām religious political party. During the same period of time, at least until the drastic reduction of the hajj and local pilgrimages (ziyārāt) by the Khrushchev administration for 1959, Qāżī cAbd al-Rašīd often appears as the leader of numerically small groups of pilgrims to Mecca: for example, CSAT F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 54, D. 5 ('Materialy o palomnichestve v Mekku [Materials on the Pilgrimage to Mecca, 29 April – 3 June 1956]'), ff. 5: that year, the former Qāżī leads a group of six people, all men of approximately the same age, to the Hejaz ― including four Muslim clerics, three imām-haṭībs and the šayh of the already important mazār of Zayn al-cĀbidīn in Jill-i Qul (Dzhilikul'), south-west of the Tajik SSR; CSAT, F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 65, D. 4 (same title, January 8 – May 28, 1957), ff. 7–14 (the six other members of the group of pilgrims are all Muslim clerics attached to registered institutions). As for 1958, Qāżī cAbd al-Rašīd is number two or three in delegations led by younger clerics: see for instance CSAT, F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 72, D. 5 [two files] (same title, January 3 – June 2, 1958), ff. 12–3; F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 79, D. 8 (same title, March 7 – May 27, 1959), ff. 16, 18, 20–21, and others. According to the family's legend, his second wife, Dawlat Bī, fell in love with him when she listened to the tape of one of these sermons. Besides the vox populi, my main source on Dāmullā Qāsim-Jān's life and deeds remains a long interview ― interrupted by a short raid from the Tajik secret services, probably alerted of the arrival of a suspect visitor by a neighbour ― with his son Mullā Muḥammad-Jān, in the Qarā Mīr Šakar Mosque of Dushanbe, 25 October 2005. The main biographical data on Qāżī cAbd al-Rašīd comes from diverse autobiographical documents attached to his applications to or reports from the hajj, in the decades after his time as the Qāżī of the Tajik SSR: for example, SCART, F. 1516, O. 1, Ed. Khr. 65, D. 4, esp. ff. 7–14 ('characterization [kharakterizatsiia]' by the Council for Religious Affairs near the Council of Ministers of the Tajik SSR, as well as elements of biography and autobiography attached to a group application to the hajj in May 1957), as well as from conversations with some of his former pupils, like the famous Dāmullā cUbayd-Allah b. Mullā Sayyid cAbd al-Raḥmān (alias Dāmullā Dādar-Jān) (b. 1920), interviewed by the author in the 'Turkmaniston' Kolkhoz, district of Qurghan-Teppa, during the freezing night of 5 October 2005. And the nomination, that same year, of Ḥājjī Akbar Tūrajānzāda (b. 1954), the son of a most prominent Tajik Naqšbandī īšān from the Rāmit (Romit) Valley, east of Dushanbe, as the Qāżī of the Tajik SSR. For example, Usmankhodzhaev (Citation2007, pp. 63–65). On him and his role in the revival of the Ḥanafī tradition in Soviet Central Asia after the Second World War, see notably the historical presentation by Babadjanov (2001, pp. 200–206). Until the last decade of his life, his teaching did not attract more than a handful of listeners, according to the oral testimonies of his pupils and disciples, notably Mahdūm Burhān al-Dīn Ḥasanābādī (b. 1938), who remained in Mawlawī Hindūstānī's entourage from the mid-1960s to the master's death in 1989. (This material comes notably from my interview with Mahdūm Burhān al-Dīn in Ḥasanābād, near Dushanbe, on 4 August 2004). On the use of this polemic denomination by people of Mawlawī Hindūstānī's circle to 1979, see Babadjanov (2001, pp. 204–205). Le Goff (Citation1996, pp. 509–512), with considerations on the taste for the exemplum literary genre ― anecdotes inserted in sermons ― for facts that took place 'in our time' (nostris temporibus); Vauchez (Citation2009, pp. 218–228, 241–247). For elements of comparative study on the chronological variation of the typology of miracles, with adjustments specific to periods of inter-confessional confrontation and repression of religious practice (for instance, in Eastern Europe between 1945 and 1989), see notably the synthetic essay by Bouflet (Citation2008, pp. 253–256). In the Islamic tradition, the term karāma (plur. karāmāt), which is absent from the Qur'an and is a possible phonetic derivative of Greek χα ́ρισμα, assumes the sense of 'charisma', the favour bestowed by God completely freely and in superabundance. 'More precisely, it comes to denote the "marvels" wrought by the "friends of God", awliyāc (sing. walī), which God grants to them to bring about. The marvels most usually consist of miraculous happenings in the corporeal world, or else of predictions of the future, or else of interpretation of the secrets of hearts, etc.' (Gardet Citation1997, p. 615). Sometimes, connoisseurship in horse breeding could serve as a profession, as in the case of Naqšbandī šayh of the Ġāzī area, south of Dushanbe, Īšān Imām al-Dīn For more on see n. this comes from my interview with his youngest son Īšān Maẓhar al-Dīn 27 October For a study of this see (Citation2009, pp. On the Dahbīdiyya, see the section on competence and from my interview with Ḥājjī Dushanbe, August For an of a written testimony on Sang-i in the south of the Tajik SSR, and on the of his ― of prominent šayh a key and of Islamic religious life in Central Asia during the Soviet period ― see notably Mahmadaminov (Citation2004, pp. On see Dudoignon (Citation2009, Citation2010b). during my interview with cAbd-Allah at his place in on 27 August this of a and a also though more the of the religious registered or notably to the as scholars of Islam and as In the of for instance, the main of the Qarategin after the mass from the more district in the the Imam of the Ḥājjī Mullā who is with the role of during the of to in of prestige members of the of local Naqšbandī šayh Īšān Mullā cAbd under his laqab of Īšān and the son Īšān Hwāja data come of the author's of the in the of and of his about these two figureheads of contemporary history of Islam in the of the Qarategin with Ḥājjī Mullā son and (in 27 October and with Īšān b. Īšān Hwāja b. Īšān (in in the of the same on by et October 2007. One of many in of by Īšān Sayyid cAbd is like a of It on in and p. One could not be more the Persian term of in Central Asia by of a sacred genealogy and religious for their of The of the to Muslim has in the of of and in the research literature and practice on Islam as it is in in Soviet and present-day Central Asia. remains a monograph that has remained by (Citation2002, pp. on the issues of and For a case of a religious with a role in the transmission of religion and see for instance in the Qarategin Valley, the role played by Īšān ― with a Mullā of of the of a ― in the education of son Īšān for more on the see n. During my most to Tajikistan, on Dāmullā al-Dīn a Sufi šayh and of the Qarategin Valley, could be collected with data on the of his b. Ḥājjī al-Dīn the came from an interview with their son Īšān (b. and his (b. in the in the and in the of the village of in the rural district of 16 July See pp. and my short review of this important monograph in p. For a first assessment of this through the case of a circle of the of in the south of the Tajik SSR, see Dudoignon and (Citation2009, See on the basis of Muminov (Citation1996, and Citation(2004). See, among the hagiographical literature on of them recently by Citation(2000), and see also Dudoignon with on the elements of genealogy in these two on the life and work of Īšān Sayyid cAbd also comes from my with several of his disciples ― most notably with Mahdūm in near Dushanbe on 29 July ― as well as with several of his and ― among Īšān cAbd (b. the of his interviewed in Īšān Sayyid cAbd former in the village of Naw, district of in the Qarategin Valley, October 2005; Īšān cAbd (b. the Imam of the Mosque of interviewed in this on October 2005; Īšān cAbd (b. interviewed in the family's in Dushanbe, of his personal are November 2005. See for instance and his in the of the and to it during the his be August The Council of the Sayyid cAbd-Allah August and has of (31 August 1 among others. with his elder Ḥājjī 'Turkmaniston' Kolkhoz, district of Qurghan-Teppa, August See notably the short historical by (Citation2005, pp. According to his developed during several with Ḥājjī in notably on 4 August and 10 October 2005. For the first assessment of the role of in Soviet Central Asia, see This author postulates to their specific the were the most as well as the most of traditional with six years had came the and and also with in the took place between and The and a of people were This was the one and three and teaching did bring about a of the Naqšbandiyya ― that ― in the and then especially in Central Asia, the and the His the Naqšbandiyya with a complete didactical Besides his early on the application of the Muslim and on the of in an has remained in history for his of the on the basis of is also for his of the of with God during and his development of more of of cf. the synthetic by pp. by the and political of Islam in the and on the of the has been a in Central Asia, especially under and Soviet since the second of the century. According to oral to the pupils of Mawlawī or to those of Qāżī cAbd for instance, among the Dāmullā a prominent of Tajikistan since the who to students in Qāżī cAbd of the Mosque in in the last 20 years of his life and (in an interview in the of the area, 5 October against the 20 pupils by Mawlawī Hindūstānī's former students and only in the last years of the and pp. considerations are on the author's with Mahdūm and Dāmullā Burhān al-Dīn, in on 4 August On the of this in archive see Tasar (Citation2010, pp. most of the elements in the present study about Dāmullā Qāżī cAbd al-Sattār Rafīqzāda come from the author's with Dāmullā cAbd youngest in his in Qurghan-Teppa, 16 August and with Ḥājjī (b. the Imam of the Mosque in in the of (in Ḥājjī place in Qurghan-Teppa, 17 August from a district of Ḥiṣār. According to other oral assemblies of this were in the early by Qāżī cAbd-Allah (in charge from to in all the of the Tajik SSR, according to my interview with Dāmullā 'Turkmaniston' Kolkhoz, 5 October 2005. In like many of his of the SADUM, Qāżī Dāmullā cAbd al-Sattār Rafīqzāda was of rural was in the village of district of of by the author with in the of other members of the Qurghan-Teppa, 16 August This state of has been by several from the Uzbek-speaking religious staff of the notably in my interview with the already Ḥājjī at his place in Qurghan-Teppa, 17 August even with the as in the case of Īšān Sayyid cAbd the of several of Persian notably of a of al-Dīn a that and on during a in his of During his interview with the author at Sang-i Milla-yi Bālā, 10 August See notably and pp. 27

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