How Propaganda Affects Public Opinion in China

Evidence from the First Phase of the Covid-19 Pandemic

Bibliographic Data

ID12349083
AuthorsDan Chen (0000-0003-4240-4604, University of Richmond, corresponding author)
Year2023
Volume48
Issue3
Pages504-523
Publication date2023-09-05
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueAsian Studies Review (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1035-7823 • E-ISSN: 1467-8403
PublisherRoutledge (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/10357823.2023.2251665
OpenAlexW4386449664
LanguageEN
Citations received3
References cited47

During a national crisis, can state propaganda shift public opinion, and if so, in what direction? Existing studies show that the effects of state propaganda on public opinion in China are mixed. Analysing data from an online survey experiment conducted during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, this article finds that the Chinese public responded positively to propaganda that promoted Xi Jinping's leadership, when these messages included text as well as images that showed Xi being compassionate during his visit to Wuhan. However, when textual propaganda focused on familiar narratives, such as Xi's leadership, international praise of China's experience in fighting the virus, China's efforts to send medical assistance to other countries, and praise for medical workers, it was largely ineffective in changing political opinions. These results suggest that visual components that evoke an emotional response of solidarity can increase government favourability in public opinion. At the same time, propaganda narratives that fail to address critical questions about a national crisis, including its severity and attribution, tend to be ineffective at persuading the public.KEYWORDS: Propagandapublic opinionsurvey experimentsCOVID-19China AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful for the helpful comments and suggestions from the anonymous reviewers, Robert Harmel, Xian Huang, John James Kennedy, Yao-Yuan Yeh, and other participants in the 2021 conference-within-conference on Chinese Political Attitudes and Behavior at the Southern Political Science Association annual conference.Disclosure StatementThe author declares no conflict of interest. The data used in this article is available in the following repository: https://www.openicpsr.org/openicpsr/project/142681/version/V1/view.Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Notes1. This project received approval from the Institutional Review Board at the University of Richmond. The two provinces not included in the sample are Tibet and Qinghai.2. The screening question asked the respondents to identify the capital city of China.3. Hukou is a household registration system that divides the population into agricultural (rural) and non-agricultural (urban) segments. It determines one's access to welfare benefits. The term 'state sector employment' refers to work conducted in state-owned enterprises and institutions, party- and state-affiliated organisations, and governments.4. Crisis response level is an indication of government response to emergencies, which include natural disasters, accidents, public health crises, and social stability crises, according to 中华人民共和国突发事件应对法 [People's Republic of China Emergency Response Law] and 国家突发公共事件总体应急预案 [National General Emergency Plan for Public Emergencies]. It has four levels that direct national and local governments' responses.Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the School of Arts & Sciences at the University of Richmond under a Startup Grant

China · Government (linguistics · Media studies · Political science · Politics · Praise · Public health · Public opinion · Public relations · Sociology · Solidarity · State (computer science · Law · Medicine · Misinformation and Its Impacts · Populism, Right-Wing Movements · Psychology · Social Media and Politics · Social Psychology

Tools

Open DOI