Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi's Call for International Cooperation

An Analysis from English and Japanese Perspectives

Bibliographic Data

ID12910073
AuthorsHiroko Okuda (0000-0002-2456-9512, Nanzan University, corresponding author)
Year2009
Volume2
Issue3
Pages260-278
Publication date2009-06-29
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueJournal of International and Intercultural Communication (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1751-3065 • E-ISSN: 1751-3057
PublisherTaylor & Francis (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/17513050902985315
OpenAlexW2022824930
LanguageEN
Citations received1
References cited39

For the First International Conference on the Reconstruction of Afghanistan in Tokyo January 21–22, 2002, Japan made all efforts to help multilateral institutions reengage with each other. Prior to the conference, Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro presented Japan's experience and expertise in rebuilding a once war-torn nation in an English article and its Japanese translation. In this study, I focus on the article "Starting from Scratch ... Again" and elucidate his less publicized agenda to broaden Japan's Self Defense Force and to amend its pacifist Constitution in the post-September 11 world. Keywords: Koizumi JunichiroAfghan ReconstructionTokyo ConferenceCross-Cultural AnalysisPost-September 11 World Acknowledgements The author would like to thank Father David R. Mayer for thoughtful responses to earlier versions of this essay and the anonymous reviewers for their feedback. Notes 1. At this two day international donor conference, the 61 countries and 21 organizations promised to contribute more than $4.5 billion over the next five years for rebuilding Afghanistan. 2. Koizumi sent 24 SDF ships to the Indian Ocean in order to show Japan's support for Operation Enduring Freedom. The number of those naval ships symbolized the lives of the 24 Japanese citizens lost in the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001. 3. Hart and Burks (1972 Hart, R. P. and Burks, D. M. 1972. Rhetorical sensitivity and social interaction. Speech Monographs, 39: 75–91. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]) first formulated the construct of rhetorical sensitivity "to present a few of the alternative ways of viewing verbal interaction" and "to recast traditional rhetorically [sic] assumptions into a more contemporary theoretical framework" (p. 91). In the early 1980s, rhetorical sensitivity was characterized as "a particular attitude toward encoding spoken messages" and "a way of deciding how to say it" (Hart et al., 1980 Hart , R. P. , Carlson , R. E. , & Edie , W. F. 1980 . Attitudes toward communication and the assessment of rhetorical sensitivity . Communication Monographs , 47 , 1 – 22 .[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). Since the late 1980s, however, the U.S. co-cultural or intracultural influence on rhetorical sensitivity has been examined from cross-cultural perspectives. 4. According to a poll conducted by the Yomiuri Shimbun, Koizumi's Cabinet recorded an 84.5% approval rating on June 30, 2001, an all-time high in Japanese politics. 5. Koizumi launched a weekly mail-magazine from May 29, 2001, and a monthly radio talk from January 18, 2003. By personalizing relationships between the Prime Minister and the common people, his "direct" access contributed to widening public interest in politics (Harney & Gillian, 2001 Harney , A. , & Gillian , T. 2001 , May 26 . Koizumi makes politics popular . Financial Times [London ed.] , p. 7 . [Google Scholar]). 6. Originally, the Japanese kokusai koken meant nonmilitary contributions to the international community. However, it has gained military meaning due to its English translation "international contributions" that includes a military meaning. Moreover, Koizumi made frequent use of the Japanese phrase "kokusai kyocho" in correlation with the Japan-U.S. alliance. In these ways, the Japanese word kokusai that has nothing to do with armed forces turned out to be taking on the nuances of the English use (see "Cabi-netto" Henshubu, 2006 "Cabi-netto" Henshubu 2006 . Koizumi Junichiro desu [Junichiro Koizumi here] . Tokyo : Jiji Gahosha . [Google Scholar]). 7. In pursuit of "humanism," Prime Minister Koizumi continued to underscore the country's responsibilities as a member of the international community. However, Chinese President Jiang Zemin, showing his understanding of Japan's support for the U.S.-centered coalition, cast suspicion on its military ambition in Asia (Murakami & Sprague, 2001 Murakami , M. , & Sprague , J. 2001 , October 5 . Dateline Japan: High-risk reform . Asiaweek , 27 [Hong Kong ed.], 1 . [Google Scholar]). Moreover, Koizumi made official visits to five Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, in order to assuage their fear of the upsurge of Japanese militarism. He also confirmed their cooperation with the upcoming Tokyo Conference ("Editorial: Embracing the Neighbors," 2002 Editorial: Embracing the neighbors . 2002 , January 15 . Daily Yomiuri , p. 8 . [Google Scholar]). On the other hand, unlike these Asian countries, the United States asked Japan to take a more active role in global security (Wehrfritz, 2002 Wehrfritz , G. 2002 , May 13 . What to wear? Newsweek , 141 [International ed.] , 14 – 17 . [Google Scholar]). 8. Since its failure to contribute manpower in the Gulf War, Japan has achieved good results in helping rehabilitate war-torn nations. In 1992 and 1993, Japan carried out a wide range of activities in rebuilding Cambodia under the United Nations Peacekeeping Activities Cooperation Law such as election monitoring, policing activities, and road and bridge repairs. In 1999, Japan sent personnel to East Timor in order to observe the troubled region's secession from Indonesia. Thus far Japan has engaged in cooperation with the international community by offering 10–25% of the reconstruction aid to Cambodia, East Timor, and Afghanistan (Kakuchi, 2003 Kakuchi , S. 2003 , October 20 . Politics: Bush gets reassurances, troops—and more—from Tokyo . Global Information Network , p. 1 . [Google Scholar]). In response to the September 11 attacks, Koizumi made a quick decision to dispatch the SDF. It was five days before the Diet passed the bill. 9. From a public relations viewpoint, diplomatic activity consists largely of such interactions between government and government, between diplomat and diplomat, between people and people, and between government and people. The last is characterized by the government's process of communicating with the international public through the deliberate selection of words and/or images in association with a given person and/or event. 10. Responding to the questions of who wrote the English article and who translated it into Japanese, as far as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs released information, Prime Minister Koizumi himself originally wrote the message in English and translated it into Japanese. On the government homepage, the same note "genbun wa eigo" (the original text was written in English) is attached to the Japanese versions of all his speeches delivered in English. Moreover, those versions are not the complete translation, but a mere summary of the English "original" texts. However, few Japanese believe these official explanations. More often than not, the official texts and documents are drafted by the bureaucrats for further discussion. They originally write a manuscript in Japanese and, if it is necessary, translate it into English or any other foreign language. Unlike the U.S. presidential public speeches, the Japanese government has never opened its files related to speech writing for the Prime Minister. 11. Cultural differences in communication patterns are important issues. In fact, Japanese rhetorical sensitivity influences how Koizumi formulated the rhetorical tones and strategies of the English article. The major difference between rhetoric in English and that in Japanese is that while English tends to look at things analytically, Japanese is likely to approach things holistically (Okabe, 1983 Okabe, R. 1983. "Cultural assumptions of East and West: Japan and the United States". In Intercultural communication theory: Current perspectives, Edited by: Gudykunst, W. B. 21–44. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. [Google Scholar]). 12. In the Japanese translation, the three sections divided by two added headlines mark the Japanese basic tripartite writing structure (Koizumi, 2002b Koizumi , J. 2002b , January 23 . Yakenohara ni futatabi sukui no te o ... [(Let's offer) help (restoring) a scorched field again] . Newsweek , 17 [Japanese ed.] , 40 – 41 . [Google Scholar]). It is a general pattern for Japanese expository writing to consist of the initial, middle and final part. These are not the same as the English writing patterns of introduction, body, and summary. Japanese writing begins with general ideas, explains the topic, and ends with the main idea last. 13. At the state level, the 1991 blue paper on international relations admits that "Japan has lacked a clear stance and recognition, sustained by adequate domestic preparation, of its responsibility and role in preserving the peace and stability of the world" ("Editorial: Japan's foreign policy mistakes," 1991 Editorial: Japan's foreign policy mistakes . 1991 , December 25 Daily Yomiuri , p. 6 . [Google Scholar]). Additional informationNotes on contributorsHiroko OkudaHiroko Okuda is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Foreign Studies at Nanzan University

Constitution · Media studies · Political science · Politics · Prime (order theory · Prime minister · Sociology · World War II · International Relations and Foreign Policy · Law · Peacebuilding and International Security · Political Conflict and Governance

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