The formative years of Iran’s ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ in Azerbaijan

This study examines the formative years of Iran's so-called 'jihadi field diplomacy' toward Azerbaijan during and after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. To accomplish this, I adopt a novel version of neoclassical realism, which considers the socially constructed nature of variables. The application of constructivist neoclassical realism facilitates a deeper comprehension of the reasons and mechanisms behind Iran's embrace of unconventional interventionist policies in Azerbaijan. I argue that Iran's jihadi field diplomacy is characterized by two main features: the use of military tools to achieve foreign policy goals and a distinct leadership structure that operates independently of the government. Then I analyze three turning points that shaped Iran's jihadi field diplomacy toward Azerbaijan. Firstly, after a failed diplomatic mediation between Yerevan and Baku in May 1992, Iran intensified its military and ideological efforts in Azerbaijan. Secondly, during the June 1993 coup, Iran supported pro-Russian coup leader Colonel Huseynov and sought to persuade him to collaborate with ex-Communist Aliyev against nationalist President Elchibey. Aliyev later perceived this initial cooperation as a serious ideological and military challenge. Lastly, the perceived threat and Iran's Quds Force connections to the leaders of the subsequent military uprisings adversely affected bilateral relations between Iran and Azerbaijan.KEYWORDS: Karabakh Warcoupconstructivist neoclassical realismIranAzerbaijan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See 'Mosāhebe-ye Efshā-shode-ye Zarif', Iran International, 29 April 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3tiTAUJTxo&ab_channel=IranInternational%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%B4%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84.2 'Zarif: Diplomāsi va Meydān dar Kenār-e Ham Qarār Dārand', Irna, 1 May 2021, https://bit.ly/3wyUrOk.3 The conflict over Karabakh started in 1988 and turned into war in 1992.4 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', Mehran, 25 October 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5avxes7RWnI&ab_channel=mehran.review.5 For instance, see R.K. Ramazani, 'Ideology and Pragmatism in Iran's Foreign Policy', The Middle East Journal, 58:4 (2004), pp. 1–7; S.E. Cornell, 'Iran and the Caucasus: The Triumph of Pragmatism over Ideology', Global Dialogue, 3:2/3 (2001), pp. 80–92; K. Barzegar, 'Iran's Foreign Policy Strategy after Saddam', The Washington Quarterly, 33:1 (2010), pp. 173–189; R. Takeyh and N.K. Gvosdev, 'Pragmatism in the Midst of Iranian Turmoil', Washington Quarterly, 27:4 (2004), pp. 33–56; S. Hunter, 'Iran's Pragmatic Regional Policy', Journal of International Affairs, 56:2 (2003), pp. 133–147.6 See A. Ehteshami, 'The Foreign Policy of Iran', in R.A. Hinnebusch and A. Ehteshami (eds) The Foreign Policies of Middle East States (Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002), pp. 287–303; B.A. Rieffer-Flanagan, 'Islamic Realpolitik: Two-level Iranian Foreign Policy', International Journal on World Peace, 26:4 (2009), pp. 7–8; J.D. Green, 'Ideology and Pragmatism in Iranian Foreign Policy', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 17:1 (1993), pp. 57–75; W. Posch, The Third World, Global Islam and Pragmatism: The Making of Iranian Foreign Policy (Berlin: SWP, 2013); B. Friedman, 'The Principles and Practice of Iran's Post-Revolutionary Foreign Policy', The Yale Initiative for the Interdisciplinary Study of Antisemitism, 6 (2010), pp. 6–16. The following works offer valuable insights into the complex interplay between pragmatism and ideology in Iranian foreign policy: P. Osiewicz, Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Between Ideology and Pragmatism (Routledge, 2020); R. Takeyh, Guardians of the Revolution: Iran and the World in the Age of the Ayatollahs (Oxford University Press, 2009); D. Menashri, 'Iran's Regional Policy: Between Radicalism and Pragmatism', Journal of International Affairs, 60:2 (2007), pp. 153–167; W. Posch, 'Ideology and Strategy in the Middle East: The Case of Iran', Survival, 59:5 (2017), pp. 69–98.7 For example, see I. Salamey and Z. Othman, 'Shia Revival and Welayat al-Faqih in the Making of Iranian Foreign Policy', Politics, Religion & Ideology, 12:2 (2011), pp. 197–202; M. Mozaffari, 'Iran's Foreign Policy', in I. Takashi (ed) The Sage Handbook of Asian Foreign Policy (London: Sage Publication, 2020).8 For instance, Taremi believes that the main drive behind Iran's support for the Lebanese Hezbollah is ideological rather than pragmatist or geopolitical. K. Taremi, 'At the Service of Hezbollah: The Iranian Ministry of Construction Jihad in Lebanon, 1988–2003', Politics, Religion & Ideology, 16:2–3 (2015), pp. 248–251.9 M.B. Bishku, 'The South Caucasus Republics and Israel', Middle Eastern Studies, 45:2 (2009), p. 303; Rieffer-Flanagan, op. cit., pp. 20–21; W. Posch, The Third World, Global Islam and Pragmatism: The Making of Iranian Foreign Policy (Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2013), p. 19; S. Akbarzadeh and J. Barry, 'State Identity in Iranian Foreign Policy', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 43:4 (2016), p. 621.10 See S. Alam, 'The Changing Paradigm of Iranian Foreign Policy under Khatami', Strategic Analysis, 24:9 (2000), p. 1631; M. Moslem, Factional Politics in post-Khomeini Iran (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2002), pp. 141–151; M. Terhalle, 'Revolutionary Power and Socialization: Explaining the Persistence of Revolutionary Zeal in Iran's Foreign Policy', Security Studies, 18:3 (2009), pp. 572–576.11 E.P. Rakel, 'Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979–2006', Perspectives on Global Development and Technology, 6:1–3 (2007), pp. 77, 164; Rieffer-Flanagan, op. cit., pp. 20–21; Salamey and Othman, op. cit., p. 198; K. Barzegar and A. Divsallar, 'Political Rationality in Iranian Foreign Policy', The Washington Quarterly, 40:1 (2017), p. 40.12 See M. Boroujerdi, 'Javad Zarif Returns-to a Foreign Ministry Still Out in the Cold: Iran's Top Diplomat Vies for Authority', Foreign Affairs, 6 March 2019, https://bit.ly/3A7mDcP.13 For a detailed discussion of IRGC role in Iran's politics see B. Sinkaya, The Revolutionary Guards in Iranian Politics: Elites and Shifting Relations (New York: Routledge, 2015).14 R.A. Hinnebusch, The International Politics of the Middle East (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2003), p. 7.15 D. Sylvan and S. Majeski. US Foreign Policy in Perspective: Clients, Enemies and Empire (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 240.16 See, T. Swietochowski, 'Azerbaijan: The Hidden Faces of Islam', World Policy Journal, 19:3 (2002), p. 74; A. Akdevelioğlu, 'İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'nin Orta Asya ve Azerbaycan Politikaları', Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 1:2 (2004), p. 149; T. Mkrtchyan, 'Cultural Diplomacy and Religion' in A. Jödicke (ed) Religion and Soft Power in the South Caucasus (London and New York: Routledge, 2018), pp. 170–186; N. Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş: İki Savaş Arasında İran'ın Karabağ Sorunu', Barış Araştırmaları ve Çatışma Çözümleri Dergisi, 10:1 (2022), pp. 47–89.17 S. Bagirov, 'Azerbaijan's Strategic Choice in the Caspian Region' in G.I. Chufrin (ed) The Security of the Caspian Sea Region (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 180–181; A. Aliyev, 'Iranian Soft Power in Azerbaijan: Does Religion Matter?' in A. Jödicke (ed) Religion and Soft Power in the South Caucasus (London and New York: Routledge, 2018), pp. 85–104; A. Goyushov, 'Islamic Revival in Azerbaijan', in Hillel Fradkin et al. (eds), Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, Vol.7 (Washington, D.C.: Hudson Institute, 2008), pp. 66–81.18 See 'Azerbaijan, Iran and Rising Tensions in the Caucasus', The Washington Post, 8 February 2023, https://shorturl.at/kyVY6.19 See J.T. Checkel, 'The Constructivist Turn in International Relations Theory', World Politics, 50:2 (1998), p. 325; G. Rose, 'Neoclassical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy', World Politics, 51:1 (1998), p. 146; N. Ganjar, 'Constructivism and International Relations Theories', Global & Strategis, 2:1 (2008), pp. 85–98.20 Checkel, op. cit., p. 325.21 M. Finnemore and K. Sikkink, 'International Norm Dynamics and Political Change', International Organization, 52:4 (1998), p. 891; Checkel, op. cit., p. 327.22 See Ganjar, op. cit., pp. 85–98; P.J. Katzenstein, R.O. Keohane and S.D. Krasner, 'International Organization and the Study of World Politics', International Organization, 52:4 (1998), pp. 645–685.23 Rose, op. cit., p. 146; A. Wendt, 'Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics', International Organization, 46:2 (1992), pp. 391–425.24 N. Kitchen, 'Systemic Pressures and Domestic Ideas: A Neoclassical Realist Model of Grand Strategy Formation', Review of International Studies, 36:1 (2010), p. 119; J.W. Taliaferro, S.E. Lobell and N.M. Ripsman, Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 20.25 A. Wivel, 'Explaining Why State X Made a Certain Move Last Tuesday: The Promise and Limitations of Realist Foreign Policy Analysis', Journal of International Relations and Development, 8:4 (2005), p. 361.26 G. Gvalia, B. Lebanidze and D.S. Siroky, 'Neoclassical Realism and Small States: Systemic Constraints and Domestic Filters in Georgia's Foreign Policy', East European Politics 35:1 (2019), p. 21.27 J.S. Barkin, 'Constructivist and Neoclassical Realisms', in J.S. Barkin (ed), The Social Construction of State Power (Bristol University Press, 2020), pp. 47–72. Also see M. Boyle, 'Huadu: A Realist Constructivist Account of Taiwan's Anomalous Status', in J.S. Barkin (ed), The Social Construction of State Power (Bristol University Press, 2020), pp. 73–100; A. Iancu, 'The Bridging Capacity of Realist Constructivism: The Normative Evolution of Human Security and the Responsibility to Protect', in J.S. Barkin (ed), The Social Construction of State Power (Bristol University Press, 2020), pp. 171–192; G.C. Prieto, 'Causation in Realist Constructivism: Interactionality, Emergence and the Need for Interpretation', in J.S. Barkin (ed), The Social Construction of State Power (Bristol University Press, 2020), pp. 19–46; L. Sjoberg, 'Permutations and Combinations in Theorizing Global Politics: Whither Realist Constructivism?', in J.S. Barkin (ed), The Social Construction of State Power (Bristol University Press, 2020), pp. 193–216; E. Michaels, 'Renewing Realist Constructivism: Does It Have Potential as a Theory of Foreign Policy?', Teoria Polityki, 6 (2022), pp. 101–122.28 For example, see G. Meibauer, 'Interests, Ideas, and the Study of State Behaviour in Neoclassical Realism', Review of International Studies 46:1 (2020), pp. 20–36; J. Sterling-Folker, 'Realism and the Constructivist Challenge: Rejecting, Reconstructing, or Rereading', International Studies Review, 4:1 (2002), pp. 73–97.29 R.L. Doty, 'Foreign Policy as Social Construction: A Postpositivist Analysis of U.S. Counterinsurgency Policy in the Philippines', International Studies Quarterly, 37:3 (1993), pp. 297–320.30 Hinnebusch, op. cit., p. 7.31 M. Warnaar, Iranian Foreign Policy During Ahmadinejad: Ideology and Actions (New York: Springer, 2013), p. 23.32 K. Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Routledge, 1954), pp. 64–67.33 See W. Carlsnaes, Ideology and Foreign Policy: Problems of Comparative Conceptualization (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1987).34 D. Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 400. For a more detailed discussion on the history of ideology see C. Adair-Toteff, 'Mannheim, Shils, and Aron and the 'End of Ideology' Debate', Politics, Religion & Ideology, 20:1 (2019), pp. 1–20.35 U. Franke and R. Weber, 'At the Papini Hotel: On Pragmatism in the Study of International Relations', European Journal of International Relations 18:4 (2012), p. 669.36 I.L. Claude JR, 'The Tension between Principle and Pragmatism in International Relations', Review of International Studies, 19:3 (1993), pp. 215–226.37 G. Sartori, 'Politics, Ideology, and Belief Systems', American Political Science Review, 63:2 (1969), pp. 399–403.38 Recently, a third group of scholars attempted to bridge the gap between these two groups by adopting neoclassical realism and constructivism as analytical approaches. For example see M. Mohammad Nia, 'Understanding Iran's Foreign Policy', World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues, 15:2 (2011), pp. 106–138; T. Juneau, Squandered Opportunity: Neoclassical Realism and Iranian Foreign Policy (Stanford University Press, 2015). Warnaar, op. cit.; M. Mohammad Nia, 'Understanding Iran's Foreign Policy: An Application of Holistic Constructivism', Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, 9:1 (2010), pp. 148–180; M. Mohammad Nia, 'Discourse and Identity in Iran's Foreign Policy', Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, 3:3 (2012), pp. 29–64; K. Barzegar and S. M. K. Dinan, 'Iran's Political Stance toward Yemen's Ansar Allah Movement: A Constructivist-Based Study', Journal of Politics and Law, 9:9 (2016), pp. 77–83; E. Wastnidge, Diplomacy and Reform in Iran: Foreign Policy under Khatami (I.B. Tauris, 2016); C. Phillips, 'Capability and Culpability: Iranian and Saudi Rivalry in the Syrian Conflict', in S. Mabon and E. Wastnidge (eds), Saudi Arabia and Iran: The Struggle to Shape the Middle East (Manchester University Press, 2022), pp. 141–155; T. Hatami, A. Zargar and A. Amini, 'Iran and Eurasian Economic Union', Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, 11:31 (2020), pp. 247–272.39 A.Valiyev, 'Azerbaijan: Islam in a Post-Soviet Republic', Middle East Review of International Affairs, 9:4 (2005), pp. 5–6; J. Wilhelmsen, 'Islamism in Azerbaijan: How Potent?', Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32:8 (2009), pp. 726–727; V. Ter-Matevosyan and N. Minasyan, 'Praying Under Restrictions: Islam, Identity and Social Change in Azerbaijan', Europe-Asia Studies, 69:5 (2017), pp. 819–837. Goyushov argues that Islamic movements are unlikely to have a significant impact on Azerbaijani society in the short term. See Goyushov, op. cit., p. 79.40 For instance, Cornell cites the presence of 25 million Azerbaijanis, which accounts for approximately 35 percent of the population in 2006. See S.E. Cornell, The Politicization of Islam in Azerbaijan (Uppsala University, 2006), pp. 42–43. In 2012, Ali Akbar Salehi, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, stated that 40 percent of Iranians speak Turkish. See 'Chehel Milyon Tork dar Iran', ALFA Media, 12 September 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ix2HRwPd1Ck.41 D. Nissman, 'Iran and Soviet Islam: The Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan SSRs', Central Asian Survey, 2:4 (1983), p. 58. Also see Swietochowski, op. cit., p. 73; Valiyev, op. cit., p. 1.42 R. Sattarov, 'Urban, Rural or Something in between: The Development of "Alternative" Forms of Islam in Azerbaijan through the Case of Nardaran Village in Absheron', in Christian Noack and Stephane A. Dudoignon (eds) Allah's Kolkhozes (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020), pp. 501–502; Goyushov, op. cit., pp. 70–71.43 Sattarov, op. cit., pp. 501–504.44 A. Vaserman and R. Ginat, 'National, Territorial or Religious Conflict? The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh', Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 17:4 (1994), pp. 357–358.45 Vaserman and Ginat, op. cit., pp. 357–358. See also Valiyev, op. cit., p. 2; Goyushov, op. cit., p. 70; A. Goyushov, N. Caffee and R. Denis, 'The Transformation of Azerbaijani Orientalists into Islamic Thinkers after 1991', in A. Goyushov, N. Caffee and R. Denis, The Heritage of Soviet Oriental Studies (Routledge, 2011), p. 311.46 B. Shaffer, Borders and Brethren: Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity (Cambridge, MA and London, UK: MIT Press, 2002), pp. 140–143; Alizadeh, 'Rol Kuramı Açısından İran'ın I. Karabağ Savaşı'ndaki Dış Siyaseti', Ermeni Araştırmaları, 69:1 (2021), pp. 110–111; Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş', p. 116.47 C.S. Brown, 'Wanting to Have Their Cake and Their Neighbor's Too: Azerbaijani Attitudes towards Karabakh and Iranian Azerbaijan', The Middle East Journal, 58:4 (2004), pp. 576–596.48 N. Alizadeh, Jonbesh-e Daneshjui-ye Azerbaijan (Tabriz: Tabriz University Press: 2005), pp. 39–40; Shaffer, op. cit., p. 199.49 'Ayatolluh Al-Uzma Musavi Ardabili va Safar be Shuravi', Ettela'at, 4 December 2016, https://www.ettelaat.com/mobile/archives/11605?device=phone.50 Sattarov, op. cit., p. 501; B. Balcı, 'Between Sunnism and Shiism: Islam in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan', Central Asian Survey, 23:2 (2004), pp. 209–211.51 Vaserman and Ginat, op. cit., pp. 359–360.52 Akdevelioğlu, op. cit., pp. 146–147; Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş'.53 C. Mahmudlu and A. Shamkhal, 'The Peace-making Process in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Why did Iran Fail in Its Mediation Effort?', Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 26:1 (2018), pp. 33–49.54 For a more detailed disscussion about the probably role of Russia and Armenia see N. Alizadeh, 'Rol Kuramı', pp. 110–111; Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş', pp. 56–57.55 Brown, op. cit., p. 576; Vaserman and Ginat, op. cit., pp. 357–360; Valiyev, op. cit., p. 5.56 Valiyev, op. cit., p. 7.57 M. Taheri, 'Janāb Rais Jomhur Lotfan Tārikh-e be Qodrat Residan-e Pedar rā Bekhānid', Irandiplomacy, 1 October 2021, https://bit.ly/3OD7y9p.58 'Surət Hüseynov: Prezident Qvardiyasının Əsgərlərini Pənah Hüseyn Güllələtdirib', MeydanTV, 1 October 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=81vLs-tUBQI&ab_channel=MeydanTV.59 Taheri, op. cit.60 In late 1992, Elchibey faced challenges from Huseynov and Defence Minister Rahim Qaziyev. In February 1993, reports revealed Huseynov's forces deliberately withdrew from north Karabakh, leaving besieged soldiers behind. Elchibey dismissed Huseynov and Qaziyev resigned due to assumed involvement. Consequently, Huseynov moved his brigade to Ganja, causing a gap in the strategically vital Kalbajar Mountains. Taking advantage of this opening, the Karabakh Armenians swiftly captured the highlands in eastern Kalbajar, and with the assistance of troops from Armenia on the western front, they occupied the city on 3 April 1993. See, T. de Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War (New York and London: New York University Press, 2003), pp. 211–212.61 S. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of an Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus (London and New York: Routledgecurzon, 2001), pp. 314–347.62 T. Goltz, 'Letter from Eurasia: The Hidden Russian Hand', Foreign Policy, 92 (1993), p. 110. Goltz, traveling to Ganja during the days of revolt reported that the Russian 104th Airborne Division had ceded all its weapons to Huseynov when Elchibey's government asked Russian troops to leave Azerbaijan. See T. Goltz, Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-torn, Post-Soviet Republic (New York and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), pp. 357–359.63 de Waal, op. cit., pp. 198–199.64 See Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş'; M. Djalili, 'Iran and the Caucasus: Maintaining Some Pragmatism', Connections, 1:3 (2002), p. 53.65 M. Mozaffari, op. cit., p. 923.66 de Waal, op. cit., p. 214.67 Cornell, 'Iran and the Caucasus', op. cit., p. 87.68 See 'Rövşən Cavadovu March 2021, 'Rövşən Cavadovu March Also Goltz, Azerbaijan pp. de Waal, op. cit., pp. and of Armenians from and and had in in the Middle of which was the Lebanese in the See of for Journal of Conflict Studies, pp. Revolutionary and Political (1994), pp. The of in the (Berlin: pp. See October M. 'The in A Case Study in the Evolution of Global (2008), pp. J. to 8 Human Azerbaijan: of Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh p. Also see December dar October September op. that Iran was the of million of to Azerbaijan in 1993. See 1993, Rahim of the main field of the in the Syrian after Azerbaijani that the with of the Force and to Azerbaijan. See Iran be 8 April 2016, See his in April See October 2022, that during an in in Iran to the besieged forces and op. March October op. and his revealed toward See be dar be Iran va October 2021, Vaserman and Ginat, op. cit., pp. Cornell, The Politicization of Islam, op. cit., pp. E. Ethnopolitical Conflict: Karabakh, South and 2013), pp. Alizadeh, 'Rol Kuramı', pp. Mkrtchyan, op. cit., p. va April 2016, 29 December rā 2019, April 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. See, Iran', 1 October 2021, M. 'Iran dar be April rā op. rā op. to Colonel Ali was as the military of Iran in Baku in See op. See Shaffer, op. cit.; Alizadeh, 'Unutulmamış Savaş'; Alizadeh, 'Rol op. Rieffer-Flanagan, op. cit., pp. Some of the that the Azerbaijani soldiers in the are with three the on the that the military was in October about after the Secondly, as in an these him and Aliyev in the military of by the which was after the of the was after the Colonel Ali that started after to which about a after the on 29 June See Iran be 2021, 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. October 2022, to soldiers by the See 'Iran dar Irna, 6 December Franke and Weber, op. cit., p. Taheri, op. Bagirov, op. cit., pp. 180–181; S. Hunter, 'Iran's Pragmatic Regional Policy', Journal of International 56:2 (2003), p. op. cit., pp. Alizadeh, 'Rol Kuramı', pp. Mkrtchyan, op. cit., p. that Aliyev to the of about in and to a in de Waal, op. cit., pp. va For more about the see S. of the or Organization for the of the of Iran', Politics, Religion & Ideology, (2012), pp. op. and How Shape Iran's Foreign Policy', The International (2021), p. For example, see 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. op. See Iran', op. September 'İran December See Z. The of in Iran', Politics, Religion & Ideology, pp. See 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. cit.; op. 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. va va 3 April be 3 February 2012, Haqiqatpur', February Milyon be dar April Haqiqatpur', February 2021, For a discussion about in Iran see N. Alizadeh, or Turkish in the of Iranian in the Turkish Studies, (2021), pp. M. 'Ideology and International Relations', Review of International Studies, pp. Goyushov, op. cit., p. For example dar 2012, February December October 2021, Claude JR, op. A. The International Politics of the A (London: Routledge, 2006), p. Cornell, Small op. cit., p. de Waal, op. cit., p. Goltz, Azerbaijan p. de Waal, op. cit., p. Cornell, Small op. cit., p. See op. cit.; be va be December 2021, See, op. cit.; op. 'Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur', op. cit.; op. op. See 'Rövşən Cavadovu op. cit.; 'Rövşən Cavadovu op. op. that Elchibey had asked to in the and the forces Aliyev to See op. 'Rövşən October 2019, op. See op. cit.; op. cit.; in Russia and Iran in October Swietochowski, op. cit., p. 74; Sattarov, op. cit., p. Wilhelmsen, op. cit., p. G. 'Islamic in Azerbaijan: The of Religious Central Asian Survey, (2018), pp. Valiyev, op. cit., pp. 1–7; Ter-Matevosyan and Minasyan, op. p. Valiyev, op. cit., p. M. va For example, see dar Azerbaijan va be Irandiplomacy, 2022, L. va Iran An April 2023, For instance, see Aliyev Jonbesh-e be 2022, See M. to 8 April 2023, on a from Tabriz University, an MA from University, and a from as an of International Relations in the of University, is the and of in Azerbaijan and The Challenge of Identity in Azerbaijan in as as and Iran and in the Age of in Turkish. have in as Turkish Studies and

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