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Paradoxes of Costa Rican Multiculturalism

Bibliographic Data

ID2177950
AuthorsGisella Díaz-Azofeifa (Diazyme (United States), corresponding author)
Year2012
Volume7
Issue2
Pages137-154
Publication date2012-07-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueLatin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1744-2222 • E-ISSN: 1744-2230
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/17442222.2012.686329
OpenAlexW2042354991
LanguageEN
Citations received3
References cited10

This article is a critical exploration of the contradictions and weaknesses of the political model of multiculturalism in Costa Rica. A core issue in the debate is the monocultural character of the state: the underlying articulations of multicultural policies address exclusively indigenous peoples, in spite of the presence of other ethnocultural minorities in the country. After examining some of the most significant laws and policies on indigenous peoples, I argue that the acceptance and recognition of cultural diversity has been superficial, and consequently, insufficient to overcome structural barriers that still disadvantage indigenous peoples in Costa Rica today. By adopting a multicultural discourse, the Costa Rican state has officially harmonized its domestic legislation with international standards without substantially confronting its monist structure, legal system and sovereignty. Keywords: Multiculturalismcultural diversityrecognitionindigenous peoplesidentity politicsCosta Rica Notes 1. This is reflected, for example, in the adoption of the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965, the UN International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1966, the ILO Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Rights 1989, and, more recently, the UNESCO Universal declaration on Cultural Diversity 2001 and the UN Declaration on the Rights for Indigenous peoples 2007. It is important to note here that, in Costa Rica, International Conventions on Human Rights have the same status as the Constitution. 2. According to the Constitution of Costa Rica, Article 75: ‘The Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion is the religion of the State, which contributes to its maintenance, without preventing the free exercise in the Republic of other forms of worship that are not opposed to universal morality or good customs.’ Likewise, Article 76 states: ‘Spanish is the official language of the nation. Nonetheless, the State shall ensure the maintenance and cultivation of national indigenous languages.’ 3. Most scholars consider the nation as an imagined or socially constructed community (Anderson, 2006, pp. 6–8; Bartolomé, Citation2006, p. 143; Villoro, Citation1998, pp. 13–62). In Latin America, the process of construction of nationalities went hand in hand with the emergence of the state (Bartolomé, Citation2006, pp. 133–159; Díaz-Polanco, Citation1999, pp. 15–41). That is why many consider it as a unique concept that they call the nation-state. In Costa Rica, the construction of a ‘national identity’ was in fact a political project guided by the coffee elite to promote their liberal ideas of progress and civility, social justice and political stability (Molina, Citation2010, pp. 15–25). 4. An Executive Decree is a Law created by the Executive Branch without parliamentarian approval. Most of the legal and political measures implemented in Costa Rica have been created via Executive Decrees (e.g. territorial demarcation, intercultural education and recognition of indigenous languages) and by-laws (e.g. political representation and creation of indigenous institutions). 5. In regard to this issue, Hooker (Citation2005, p. 291) argues that the main reason why Afro-descents in Latin America have not been as successful in gaining collective rights has been the way people of African descent have historically been racialized, in particular, in terms of asserting a distinct cultural identity. From a socioeconomic perspective, Putman (2000, pp. 384–385) states, based on Census data, that Afro-Costa Ricans enjoy an overall high socioeconomic condition (even higher than the levels attained by the Costa Rican population as a whole), and show a higher education attendance rate (73.87 percent) than the national average (68.11 percent) among people between 13 and 17 years. It has been argued that Afro-Costa Ricans are relatively well incorporated in the political scene since the 1950s, when they acquired Costa Rican citizenship (Senior, Citation2007, pp. 198–208; Harpelle, Citation2001, p. 150). 6. The Chinese community in Costa Rica maintains its cultural traditions and language alive. But, to date, Chinese descents are not politically organized. The Governments of Costa Rica and China have established diplomatic relations since 2007, opening new opportunities for intercultural and economic exchange (currently a Free Trade Agreement with China is being discussed in the parliament). In these circumstances, Chinese culture experiences a positive appreciation in general public opinion. For further information on the subject, see Cohen (Citation2008) and Chou (Citation2002). 7. The disarticulation of traditional indigenous structures is a process that has been occurring over the past 500 years; after the dismantling of the kingship networks (señoríos) and chieftainships (cacicazgos), then with the introduction of the indigenous councils (cabildos indígenas) during the colonial period (Fonseca et al., Citation2001, p. 22) and, more recently, with the establishment of the ADIIs. A distinction must be made between those ancestral political structures that have survived (as the symbolic figure of power of the Bribris, the awä, and the Cacique Council, a representative instance of the Guaymíes, for example) and the new ethno-political indigenous organizations that demand the respect for their cultures and a more inclusive and equal social and political participation in the society (e.g. Mesa Indígena, Frente Nacional de Pueblos Indígena [FRENAPI] and the Asociación Regional Aborigen del Dikes [ARADIKES], among many others)

Ethnology · Geography · Multiculturalism · Political science · Puerto rican · Sociology · Anthropology · Diaspora, migration, transnational identity · Gender Studies · Globalization and Cultural Identity · Migration, Ethnicity, and Economy

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Unique citing works3
Citations per year0,33
Citation span2017 - 2020 (4)
Citation velocityhistorical
Highly citedNo
Citation typesNeutral: 3

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