Theories for social epidemiology in the 21st century

‘Both thinking and facts are changeable, if only because changes in thinking manifest themselves in changed facts. Conversely, fundamentally new facts can be discovered only through new thinking.’ Ludwick Fleck (1935) Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact.1,pp.50–51 ‘Once we recognize the state of the art is a social product, we are freer to look critically at the agenda of our science, its conceptual framework, and accepted methodologies, and to make conscious research choices.’ Richard Levins and Richard Lewontin (1987) The Dialectical Biologist.2,p.286 In social epidemiology, to speak of theory is simultaneously to speak of society and biology. It is, I will argue, to speak of embodiment. At issue is how we literally incorporate, biologically, the world around us, a world in which we simultaneously are but one biological species among many—and one whose labour and ideas literally have transformed the face of this earth. To conceptualize and elucidate the myriad social and biological processes resulting in embodiment and its manifestation in populations' epidemiological profiles, we need theory. This is because theory helps us structure our ideas, so as to explain causal connections between specified phenomena within and across specified domains by using interrelated sets of ideas whose plausibility can be tested by human action and thought.1–3 Grappling with notions of causation, in turn, raises not only complex philosophical issues but also, in the case of social epidemiology, issues of accountability and agency: simply invoking abstract notions of ‘society’ and disembodied ‘genes’ will not suffice. Instead, the central question becomes: who and what is responsible for population patterns of health, disease, and well-being, as manifested in present, past and changing social inequalities in health? Not surprisingly, theorizing about social inequalities in health runs deep. One reason is that it is fairly obvious that population patterns of good and bad health mirror population distributions of deprivation and privilege. Comments to this effect can be found in the Hippocratic corpus4 and in early texts of ancient Chinese medicine.5 Shared observations of disparities in health, however, do not necessarily translate to common understandings of cause; it is for this reason theory is key. Consider only centuries of debate in the US over the poor health of black Americans. In the 1830s and 1840s, contrary schools of thought ask: is it because blacks are intrinsically inferior to whites?— the majority view, or because they are enslaved?—as argued by Dr James McCune Smith (1811–1865) and Dr James S Rock (1825–1866), two of the country's first credentialled African American physicians.6 In contemporary parlance, the questions become: do the causes lie in bad genes?, bad behaviours?, or accumulations of bad living and working conditions born of egregious social policies, past and present?7,8 The fundamental tension, then and now, is between theories that seek causes of social inequalities in health in innate versus imposed, or individual versus societal, characteristics. Yet, despite the key role of theory, explicit or implicit, in shaping what it is we see—or do not see, what we deem knowable—or irrelevant, and what we consider feasible—or insoluble, literature articulating the theoretical frameworks informing research and debates in social epidemiology—and epidemiology more broadly—is sparse.9–12 In this article, I accordingly note the emergence of self-designated social epidemiology in the mid-20th century, review key theories invoked by contemporary social epidemiologists, and highlight the need for advancing theories useful for the 21st century. Building on holistic models of health developed between World War I and World War II13 and on the ‘social medicine’ framework forged during the 1940s,14–16 it is in the mid-20th century that ‘social epidemiology’ gains its name-as-such. The term apparently first appears in the title of an article published by Alfred Yankauer in the American Sociological Review in 1950: ‘The relationship of fetal and infant mortality to residential segregation: an inquiry into social epidemiology’,17 a topic as timely now as it was then; Yankauer later becomes editor of the American Journal of Public Health. The term then reappears in the introduction to one of the first books pulling together the behavioural and medical sciences, edited by E Gartly Jaco, published in 1958, Patients, Physicians, and Illness: Sourcebook in Behavioral Science and Medicine,18 and is included in the title of Jaco's next book, The Social Epidemiology of Mental Disorders; A Psychiatric Survey of Texas, published in 1960.19 By 1969, enough familiarity with the field exists that Leo G Reeder presents a major address to the American Sociological Association called ‘Social epidemiology: an appraisal’.20 Defining ‘social epidemiology’ as the ‘study of the role of social factors in the aetiology of disease’20,p.97, he asserts that ‘social epidemiology ... seeks to extend the scope of investigation to include variables and concepts drawn from a theory’20,p.97—in effect, calling for a marriage of sociological frameworks to epidemiological inquiry. Soon thereafter, the phrase ‘social epidemiology’ catches on in the epidemiological literature. Articles appear with such titles as: ‘Contributions of social epidemiology to the study of medical care systems’, published by S Leonard Syme in 1971,21 and ‘Social epidemiology and the prevention of cancer’, published by Saxon Graham et al. in 1972.22 By the end of the century, the first textbook is published with the title Social Epidemiology, co-edited by Lisa Berkman and Ichiro Kawachi.23 Despite these gains, it is nevertheless sobering to realize that among the slightly over 432 000 articles indexed in Medline by the keyword ‘epidemiology’ between 1966 and 2000, only 4% also employ the keyword ‘social’, and—as Reeder surely would be sorry to learn—fewer than 0.1% are additionally indexed by the term ‘theory’. Clearly, there is room for improvement—and reflection. Contemporary social epidemiology, however, is not without its theories. The three main theories explicitly invoked by practising social epidemiologists are: (1) psychosocial, (2) social production of disease and/or political economy of health, and (3) ecosocial theory and related multi-level frameworks. All seek to elucidate principles capable of explaining social inequalities in health, and all represent what I would term theories of disease distribution,24 which presume but cannot be reduced to mechanism-oriented theories of disease causation. Where they differ is in their respective emphasis on different aspects of social and biological conditions in shaping population health, how they integrate social and biological explanations, and thus their recommendations for action. First, psychosocial theory. As is typically the case with scientific theories,1–3 its genesis can be traced to problems prior paradigms could not explain, in this case, why it is that not all people exposed to germs become infected and not all infected people develop disease.25,26 One response, first articulated in the 1920s13,27 and refined in the 1950s as epidemiologists increasingly study cancer and cardiovascular disease, is to expand the aetiological framework from simply ‘agent’ to ‘host-agent-environment’.28,29 Despite conceptual expansion, several restrictive assumptions still pervade the new framework's very language.10 ‘Agency’, for example, remains located in the ‘agent’ —typically an exogenous entity that acts upon a designated ‘host’; terminology alone renders it inhospitable to conceive of the ‘host’ having ‘agency’! ‘Environment’, moreover, serves as a catch-all category, with no distinctions offered between the natural world, of which we humans are a part and can transform, and social institutions and practices which we, as humans, create and for which we can hold each other accountable. Gaining complexity without an explicit accounting of social agency, the model becomes increasingly diffuse and, by 1960, the spiderless ‘web of causation’ is born.10 The importance of the ‘host-agent-environment’ model for psychosocial epidemiology is evidenced by the title of one of the field's still-defining papers: John Cassel's (1921–1976) final opus, ‘The contribution of the social environment to host resistance’.30 Published in the American Journal of Epidemiology in 1976, the year of Cassel's death, this article expands upon frameworks elaborated in the 1940s and 1950s linking vulnerability to disease to both physical and psychological stress.13,28,29 Positing that in ‘modern’ societies exposure to pathogenic agents is ubiquitous, Cassel argues that to explain disease distribution we must therefore investigate factors affecting susceptibility: The question facing epidemiological inquiry then is, are there categories or classes of environmental factors that are capable of changing human resistance in important ways and making subsets of people more or less susceptible to these ubiquitous agents in our environment?30,p.108 To Cassel, in prosperous nations, relevant modifying factors are unlikely to include ‘nutritional status, fatigue, overwork, or the like’.30,p.108 More promising candidates lie in what he calls the ‘social environment’, comprised of psychosocial factors generated by human interaction.30,p.108 Cassel's central hypothesis is that the ‘social environment’ alters host susceptibility by affecting neuroendocrine function. His list of relevant psychosocial factors includes: dominance hierarchies,30,p.111 social disorganization30,p.113 and rapid social change,30,p.118 marginal status in society, including social isolation,30,p.110 bereavement, and, acting as a buffer to all of the above, the ‘psychosocial asset’ of ‘social support’.30,p.119 In Cassel's view, these psychosocial factors, considered together, explain the puzzle of why particular social groups are disproportionately burdened by otherwise markedly distinct diseases, e.g. tuberculosis, schizophrenia and suicide. Shifting attention from ‘specific aetiology’ to ‘generalized that what disease a is on prior in the and promising to disease will be and the social than the exposure to Cassel's article, research in psychosocial epidemiology 1966 and the and ‘epidemiology’ together only articles in between and the to new ideas are the new as and important concepts have to be are One is as an to in by and to that through is then by to from or of the by to and including the and and One new is that psychosocial can be than only with the that health status at not only contemporary conditions but prior living in attention to of both and new Cassel's to on ‘social and ‘social by as psychosocial which population health by and of In a psychosocial framework attention to biological to human is on to and on people in need of psychosocial less and is (1) who and what psychosocial and and (2) how their with that of ubiquitous or pathogenic or biological by political and also a in that for to of rapid social the question of changing of are to explain in disease and It is as the study of why people and into a study of who is into the what be in the To the however, us to other schools of A theoretical framework accordingly to the increasingly invoked in social epidemiology to social of health of the 1830s and 1840s, as as and this of in the and on what it the ‘social production of and/or economy of Articles appear with such titles as: case for the political economy of ‘The social production of disease and the and its of of health, in American an introduction to and are however, in unlikely to be on the list of example, the Journal of in by and Review of By the theoretical are in two The of by a health and by an in part as of which to and to with these new explicitly address and political of health and disease, including to people living At issue are of and their by the so that the can become the are to or to classes within a specified in this of health are in to who from and at whose questions how over human need health, as through and exposure to and of human and is the health of state these by or of the and or by or or of labour and environmental or by and of on social versus and the or by and of The hypothesis is that and political institutions and that and and social and are or of social inequalities in issues of and theoretical of and of to these conditions are no but for and social this conceptual and on inequalities in health within and between contemporary questions what are the health of of by the and the World of of the or of by the World address social inequalities and as they within and across within and across questions what are the health of and of of and of and or and environmental attention to and in to poor and to poor within poor of The for action on this framework is for to and if not for for political and and social for action accordingly from a social production of economy of health One is that for population health a of social by to social and and is that about social and health end not social inequalities in health if the and if the health are more and to A is that familiarity with the field of health and human by of who gains from or these to the of social by a framework for accountability to and health, in the first upon the of and its of the and of social and social epidemiologists must be key in of the health of social inequalities in health, for without such is our particular to is to and in social inequalities in Yet, despite its to social of population health, a social production of economy of health principles for what these are is on across specified social these on of population distributions of and factors, of which are by epidemiological In the case of for example, on social of a of factors at of at and of but would be as as in explaining the of not to these an emphasis on social principles for thinking if health and are to social inequalities in health, and living and In the is that century in disease mortality in the and US are to not medical Yet, as and other health have is only medical care can for in or mortality World War alone not health policies, e.g. at the and tuberculosis, also of fundamental both living and with and from an to a multi-level frameworks social and biological and and it is to such new theoretical in social on prior ideas into ‘social medicine’ in the I now one of the in contemporary social epidemiological thought is the that of frameworks to explain and patterns of disease distribution to in a Instead, prior of a ‘agent’ and or a of a of biological from ‘society’ to and or a spiderless ‘web of or a new are both and The is as each not of humans as one species among and our I to three explicitly theory, a term I in with its of an of at to with the of society that different social groups or seek to by in with its of to systems’, each with its and and the invoked by in a the whose three extend from to and which is to is not a theory to explain therefore but to a of principles useful for inquiry and as theory with biological from to in the case of ecosocial theory, its of and changing population patterns of health, disease and in to each of and social society, as manifested at each and and or and and of the of for a specified each of these frameworks explicitly the or term in its is is a to study of between living and and over and to an are to of in or or of and in to specified from individual to population to of specified and and with that processes and phenomena be factors relevant to of an differ from in of the to how of and processes together, using both and to complexity and because are phenomena in to in the case of for example, no two are important and processes in common relevant to their and or however, the importance of and processes in shaping epidemiological profiles, two of the and explicitly in their very that is not to be a or for social they theory from the social theories upon which they and the other social epidemiological frameworks In these frameworks part with other theoretical that as a e.g. ‘social and and which employ that accountability for social and processes by as phenomena of to and as to these multi-level social epidemiological frameworks the of a more is calling the question can the explicit to inquiry and to are only an ecosocial however, it is to several that can to as a for epidemiological on the question of and what and changing patterns of social inequalities in the ecosocial not necessarily the other multi-level a social production of disease to in a biological and ecosocial thus a to how we literally incorporate, biologically, the and social world in which we from to a is that no of our can be of and individual and ways of of simultaneously of and and patterns of and and and of our as by our our and individual that is, of biological and social between susceptibility and in of with each and its distribution at or political or and in domains other in to relevant and manifested in processes at of and accountability and agency, in of and about in to institutions and and and also to accountability and of epidemiologists and other for theories and to explain social inequalities in a is causal at different and epidemiological explicitly and consider the and of their particular and of these at we can to elucidate population patterns of health, disease and as biological of social and can to how social our understandings of and our social of new and new for action. as one example, the of in to of us with As is of cancer over the if it but This is invoked to explain, in why of cancer with and why the during the century and to at more to have later in and of in on the all three social epidemiological social production of disease, and highlight how social including social status, and to at first ecosocial however, would questions social of at first to how is in to of of of and the and between susceptibility and would in to of the of and and also of as as its on the of within the in and of and cardiovascular of the A with and as as and would additionally as of The would be to not simply as an but also as a biological capable of susceptibility to exogenous This is the in new research on environmental and are not in as to causal at the question is and thinking a study including and which if between and cancer are to the of or to other social factors are by or are is among and with of three of and of and by and a topic and which the only in and only for two however, and disease, is with only among One of these is not to presume by biological the other is to consider the social of the of is of the social and biological will not suffice. how an ecosocial can to the of among African or sets of factors, the ecosocial can be to linking of and their biological embodiment across the are: and social for example, residential and to deprivation among African and of living in without good of is by and also, deprivation of born of and of and residential of exposure to in and to by from to of to or of or and the of this to of of to black of of to of of health and of among African of and resistance to individual and and social to and to with and of to of among African social by the ecosocial thus in as and biological of it psychosocial on and to the social this case, and these as by and between susceptibility and it social production of disease typically on disparities in among to highlight within biological of deprivation in early conceptual it research and action of the specified and to explaining and changing of on the that our common no less if we are to and social inequalities in more than simply to or ‘social to the ecosocial framework to a more capable of new than simply factors by one in of remains to be however, of the have and, to than epidemiological have explicitly of of the 000 articles indexed by the keyword in Medline In theory both to social epidemiology and to among within this frameworks us to critically and about and connections between our social and biological in the case of social production of disease and ecosocial theory, to explicitly who from and is for social inequalities in By attention on and social and biological of disease these in can new for that theory, is an it remains to be of the three theoretical frameworks in this social production of economy of health, and ecosocial and other multi-level for social epidemiological research in the 21st century. not these however, other frameworks will need to be elaborated to social to and useful for the myriad ways we both and the social and biological world in which we and To the to and our theoretical must thus be (1) of social inequalities of health, so that are and and other social groups to and social deprivation and to and in social inequalities in health, (2) research to social and biological of disease at and of and (3) on the of this the of all three by including of society burdened by social inequalities in social epidemiologists are to on causes of and to social inequalities in health, theory is a not a The still and if it is theory which our which us to a world than the one in which we and which us the and accountability to translate this to a create this The is to As of this I (1) and the from to (2) the for and (3) to for its of in that I have not from who will from the of the published this in a with from the an of this will appear in a the of a on in an with the of for the Social at the of on This was and A of to research and World for and and Development Shared observations of disparities in health do not necessarily translate to common understandings of cause; it is for this reason theory is key. In contemporary social epidemiology, the three main theoretical frameworks for explaining disease distribution are: (1) psychosocial, (2) social production of economy of health, and (3) ecosocial and other multi-level frameworks. A psychosocial framework attention to biological to human a social production of economy of health framework explicitly and political of health and disease but ecosocial and other multi-level frameworks seek to integrate social and biological and a and to develop new into of population distributions of disease and social inequalities in To on causes of and to social inequalities in health, social epidemiologists will need to theoretical frameworks and the to and to and also to two for their from this A however, was by the of the and at which a of this was first

Action (physics) · Agency (philosophy) · Causality (physics) · Causation · Epistemology · Face (sociological concept) · Perspective (graphical) · Population · Public health · Social determinants of health · Social epidemiology · Social science · Sociology · Computer Science · Food Security and Health in Diverse Populations · Health disparities and outcomes · Medicine · Obesity and Health Practices · Philosophy

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• Hereafter

  João B Biehl, João Biehl•Unfinished•2017

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• Afterword

  M M J Fischer•Unfinished•2017

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• On Negative Becoming

  Lucas Bessire•Unfinished•2017

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• Becoming Aggrieved

  Laurence Ralph•Unfinished•2017

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• Social Epidemiology

  Open Access•L Chauvel, Anja K Leist•International Encyclopedia of the…•2015

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• Heaven

  Angela Garcia•Unfinished•2017

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• Rebellious Matter

  Bridget Purcell•Unfinished•2017

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• Horizoning

  A Petryna•Unfinished•2017

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• Meantime

  Peter Locke•Unfinished•2017

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• Witness

  Naisargi N Dave•Unfinished•2017

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• The Social Environment and Suicide Attempts in Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Youth

  Mark L Hatzenbuehler•PEDIATRICS•2011

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• Is Income Inequality a Determinant of Population Health? Part 1. A Systematic Review

  Open Access•John Lynch, Gregory D Smith et al.•Milbank Quarterly•2004

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• HIV-related stigma, racial discrimination, and gender discrimination

  Open Access•Carmen H Logie, Wang Ying et al.•Preventive Medicine•2018

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• Immigration as a Social Determinant of Health

  H Castaneda, M Holme et al.•Annual Review of Public Health•2015

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• Epi + demos + cracy

  J Beckfield, Nancy Krieger•Epidemiologic Reviews•2009

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• Genders, sexes, and health

  Nancy Krieger•International Journal of…•2003

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• Health disparities across the lifespan

  Open Access•Nancy E Adler, Judith Stewart•Annals of the New York Academy of…•2010

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• Revisiting Robinson

  V Subramanian, S V Subramanian et al.•International Journal of…•2009

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• Mapping the role of structural and interpersonal violence in the lives of women

  Open Access•Stephanie Montesanti, Stephanie Rose Montesanti et al.•BMC Women's Health•2015

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• Syndemics and the biosocial conception of health

  Open Access•M Singer, Nicola Bulled et al.•The Lancet•2017

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• Determinación Social De La Salud Como Herramienta De Transformación Hacia Una Nueva Salud Pública (Salud Colectiva)

  Open Access•Jaime Breilh•Revista Facultad Nacional de…•2013

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• The impact of neighborhood social and built environment factors across the cancer continuum

  Open Access•Scarlett Lin Gomez, Salma Shariff-Marco et al.•Cancer•2015

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• Addressing social drivers of HIV/Aids for the long-term response

  Open Access•Judith D Auerbach, Justin O Parkhurst et al.•Global Public Health•2011

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• Social Determinants of Health

  Open Access•Dana Raphael, Dennis Raphael•International Journal of Health…•2006

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• How leisure activities affect health

  Open Access•Daisy Fancourt, Henry Aughterson et al.•The Lancet Psychiatry•2021

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• Is poverty or wealth driving HIV transmission?

  Stuart Gillespie, Suneetha Kadiyala et al.•AIDS•2007

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• Cancer health disparities in racial/ethnic minorities in the United States

  Open Access•Valentina A Zavala, Paige M Bracci et al.•British Journal of Cancer•2021

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• Policy Implications Of The Gradient Of Health And Wealth

  Angus Deaton•Health Affairs•2002

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• Framing Disease

  Charles E Rosenberg, Janet Golden•Framing Disease•1992

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• Dying for growth

  Alec Irwin, John Gershman et al.•Dying for growth•2000

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• The sociology of health and illness

  Peter Conrad•The sociology of health and illness•1997

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• Patients, physicians and illness

  E Gartly Jaco•Patients, physicians and illness•1958

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• The Struggle for Health

  Open Access•David Sanders, Richard Carver et al.•Struggle for Health•2023

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• Philosophy of Biology

  Open Access•Elliott Sober•The Blackwell Companion to…•2002

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• Differential Mortality in the United States

  Evelyn M Kitagawa, Philip M Hauser•Differential Mortality in the…•1973

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• What Makes Women Sick

  Open Access•L Doyal•What Makes Women Sick•1995

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• The widening gap

  Open Access•Mary Shaw, Daniel Dorling et al.•Widening Gap•1999

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• Social Epidemiology

  Lisa F Berkman, Ichiro Kawachi•Social epidemiology•2000

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• Refiguring “Race”

  Open Access•Nancy Krieger•International Journal of Health…•2000

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• You are Dangerous to Your Health

  Open Access•Richard Crawford, Robert Crawford•International Journal of Health…•1977

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• Income inequality and mortality

  Open Access•John Lynch, J W Lynch•BMJ•2000

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• Race, Socioeconomic Status, and Health The Added Effects of Racism and Discrimination

  Open Access•David R Williams•Annals of the New York Academy of…•1999

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• The Contribution of the Social Environment to Host Resistance1

  John C Cassel, John Cassel•American Journal of Epidemiology•1976

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• Prisoners of the Proximate

  Anthony J Mcmichael•American Journal of Epidemiology•1999

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• Protective and Damaging Effects of Stress Mediators

  Bruce S Mcewen, Jeffrey S Flier et al.•New England Journal of Medicine•1998

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• Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact

  Ludwik Fleck, Thaddeus J Trenn et al.•Genesis and Development of a…•1981

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• An Introduction to Science Studies

  Open Access•John Ziman, John M Ziman et al.•Introduction to Science Studies•1984

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• Racism, Sexism, and Social Class

  Open Access•Nancy Krieger, Diane L Rowley et al.•American Journal of Preventive…•1993

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• Racism as a stressor for African Americans

  Rodney Clark, Nathan B Anderson et al.•American Psychologist•1999

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• The Importance of Social Intervention in Britain's Mortality Decline c .1850–1914

  Simon Szreter•Social History of Medicine•1988

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• Health impact assessment--theory into practice

  Alex Scott-Samuel•Journal of Epidemiology and…•1998

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• Social capital

  Franziska Baum•Journal of Epidemiology and…•1999

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• Patients, Physicians, and Illness

  Harry W Martin, E Gartly Jaco•Contemporary Sociology A Journal…•1981

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• Framing Disease

  Gert H Brieger, Charles E Rosenberg et al.•Contemporary Sociology A Journal…•1994

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• Crisis, Health, and Medicine

  Corinne Kirchner, Vincent Navarro et al.•Contemporary Sociology A Journal…•1987

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• Women's Health

  Carol S Weisman, Sheryl Burt Ruzek et al.•Contemporary Sociology A Journal…•1998

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• Racial differences in Urban children's environmental exposures to lead

  B P Lanphear, Michael Weitzman et al.•American Journal of Public Health•1996

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• Understanding sociodemographic differences in health--the role of fundamental social causes

  Bruce G Link, Jo Phelan et al.•American Journal of Public Health•1996

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• A vision of social justice as the foundation of public health

  Nancy Krieger, Anne-Emanuelle Birn et al.•American Journal of Public Health•1998

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• Racial discrimination and blood pressure

  Nancy Krieger, Stephen Sidney•American Journal of Public Health•1996

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• Assessing the effects of welfare reform policies on reproductive and infant health

  Paul H Wise, P Wise et al.•American Journal of Public Health•1999

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• Choosing a future for epidemiology

  Mervyn Susser, Ezra Susser•American Journal of Public Health•1996

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• Public health nihilism vs pragmatism

  Amy L Fairchild, Gerald M Oppenheimer•American Journal of Public Health•1998

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• Contributions of Social Epidemiology to the Study of Medical Care Systems

  Roxanne Harde, S Leonard Syme et al.•Medical Care•1971

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• Beyond the Natural Body

  Nelly Oudshoorn•Beyond the Natural Body•2003

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• Beyond the natural body

  Nelly Oudshoorn•Beyond the natural body•1994

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• Shades of Difference

  Open Access•Nancy Krieger•International Journal of Health…•1987

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• The Relationship of Fetal and Infant Mortality to Residential Segregation

  Alfred Yankauer•American Sociological Review•1950

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• The Social Epidemiology of Mental Disorders--A Psychiatric Survey of Texas

  Melvin L Kohn, E Gartly Jaco•American Sociological Review•1961

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• Economic Growth, Disruption, Deprivation, Disease, and Death

  Simon Szreter•Population and Development Review•1997

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• Patients, Physicians and Illness

  Mary E W Go, Mary E W Goss et al.•American Sociological Review•1959

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• Epidemiology and the web of causation

  Open Access•Nancy Krieger•Social Science & Medicine•1994

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• Minority Stress and Mental Health in Gay Men

  Ilan H Meyer•Journal of Health and Social…•1995

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• Social Capital

  A Portes•Annual Review of Sociology•1998

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