Constitutional reforms in Morocco

Between Consensus and Subaltern Politics

Bibliographic Data

ID3978724
AuthorsDriss Maghraoui (Al Akhawayn University, corresponding author)
Year2011
Volume16
Issue4
Pages679-699
Publication date2011-12-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueThe Journal of North African Studies (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1362-9387 • E-ISSN: 1743-9345
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/13629387.2011.630879
OpenAlexW2078625529
LanguageEN
Citations received47

Morocco's adjustment to popular political and economic demands, as voiced by the February 20th Movement and the civil society-based movement it engendered was generally hailed as an indication of the monarchy's willingness to bow to democratic demand and, as such, as an example for the Arab world to emulate. However, despite the apparent concessions to popular demand, the monarchy in fact ceded none of its essential prerogatives, thus preserving its control of the Moroccan political scene intact. Indeed, the official Moroccan response to the demands of the Arab Spring merely highlighted once again the Royal Palace's hegemonic control of the political process there. Keywords: Moroccopolitical reformmonarchyRoyal Palace Notes State Department, Hillary Rodham Clinton, 'Remarks with Moroccan Foreign Minister Taieb Fassi Fihri', 23 March 2011. Traub, James. (2002), 'Game of Thrones', Foreign Policy (June 2011). The notion of makhzen is closely associated with monarchy's inner circles of power. The notion has changed over time to mean the coercive state apparatus, as well as the education, health care, administrative and economic services the state provides. The people who work closely with the monarchy are also part of the makhzen, and the Moroccan people have generally held them in awe. Habermas, J. (1987), The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, MIT Press (Cambridge, MA), p. 315. Zerhouni, Saloua. 'Morocco: Reconciling Continuity and Change', in Arab Elite: Negotiating the Politics of Change, ed. Volker Perthes (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2004). For a discussion of some of these issues see Badiou, Alain. (1992), Conditions, Seuil (Paris ) or (1985), Peut-on penser la politique?, Seuil (Paris). See Gramsci, Antonio. (1971), Prison Notebooks, translated by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, International Publishers (New York). Zerhouni, Saloua. 'Morocco: Reconciling Continuity and Change', in Arab Elite: Negotiating the Politics of Change, ed. Volker Perthes (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2004). Waterbury, John. (1970), The Commander of the Faithful: The Moroccan Political Elite—A Study in Segmented Politics. Weidenfeld & Nicolson, (London). Beling, Willard A. 'Some Implications of the New Constitutional Monarchy in Morocco', Middle East Journal, Vol. 18, no. 2 (Spring, 1964): 163–179. Claisse, Alain. 'Le Parlement Imaginaire' in Ouvrage Collectif, L'Experience Parlementaire au Maroc, (Casablanca, Editions Toubkal, 1985). White, Gregory. 'The Advent of Electoral Democracy in Morocco? The Referendum of 1996' Middle East Journal, Vol. 51, no. 3 (Summer, 1997): 388–404. See Abdellah Boudahrain, Abdellah (1999) Le Nouveau Maroc Politique, Quel Avenir? (Casablanca: Al Madariss,), pp. 61–73. Ferrié, Jean-Noel. 'La Mise en Place de l'Alternance' Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord, No. 37, Paris, CNRS, 2000, pp. 231–241. See the special issue of the Moroccan magazine Telquel . "Il n'ont rien compris", Telquel, No 468 du 9 au 15 Avril 2011. See the special edition of the magazine Adala for the proposals of the major political parties. Adala, April 2011. See Desrues, Thiery and Moyano, Edwardo, 'Social Change and Political Transition in Morocco', Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 6, 2001. See Shana Cohen, (January 2003). 'Alienation and Globalization in Morocco: Addressing the Social and Political Impact of Market Integration', Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 45, no. 1: 168–189. Jibril, Mohamed, 2005. 'Le Syndicalisme en Crise', La Gazette du Maroc, 4 April. Étienne de la Boétie, 'The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude', quoted in : http://tmh.floonet.net/articles/laboetie.html See Driss Maghraoui, 'The Dynamics of Civil Society in Morocco' in Political Participation in the Middle East, ed. Lust-Okar and Zerhouni. Maghraoui, Abdeslam. 2002. 'Depoliticization in Morocco', Journal of Democracy, Vol. 13: 24–32. It is safe to say that the social movements that are currently taking place in the MENA region have gone beyond the khubziste (bread seeker) demands and logics. On this particular aspect of the Arab revolts see Sadiki, Larbi. 2000. 'Popular Uprisings and Arab Democratization', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 32, no: 71–95. See the official Arabic communiqué of the movement : al-bayan arrasmi li harkat 20 fibrayar. The person of the King shall be sacred and inviolable. The King shall appoint the Prime Minister. Upon the Prime Minister's recommendation, the King shall appoint the other Cabinet members as he may terminate their services. The King shall terminate the services of the Government either on his own initiative or because of their resignation. The King may dissolve the two Houses of Parliament or one thereof by Royal Decree, in accordance with the conditions prescribed in Articles 71 and 73. The King shall be the Commander-in-chief of the Royal Armed Forces. He shall make civil and military appointments and shall reserve the right to delegate such a power. As a prince he was popularly known for his support for the poor and when he became king, he was called 'King of the poor'. See Bousaid, Farid. 'The Rise of the PAM in Morocco: Trampling the Political Scene or Stumbling into It?' Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 14, no. 3 (November 2009): 413–419. http://24.mamfakinch.com/. 'Shabab al faysbook', al Mashhad, 25 Feb–3 March, no. 65, 2011. See Meftah, Noureddine 'sultawiya am tasadi li iskat annisam' al ayam, no. 478, June 2011, pp. 14–16 and 'khalfiyyat al harb ala harakat 20 fibryar', Akbar al yawm, 5 June, Vol. 462, 2011. The King shall have the right to deliver addresses to the Nation and to the Parliament. The messages shall be read out before both Houses and shall not be subject to any debate. See Slymovics, Susan 'A Truth Commission for Morocco', Middle East Report 218, Spring 2001. Claisse, Alain. 'Le Parlement Imaginaire' in Ouvrage Collectif, L'Experience Parlementaire au Maroc, (Casablanca, Editions Toubkal, 1985). See Katja Zvan Elliott, 'Reforming the Moroccan Personal Status Code: A Revolution for Whom?', Mediterranean Politics, 1743–9418, Vol. 14, no. 2, 2009, pp. 213–227. For the continuous role played by the sufi brotherhood even after the referendum, see 'azzawiya al butshishiya tuhyi lalata al-dustur', Akbar al yawm, 20 July, Vol. 501, 2011. We are in 2011 and Combs-Schilling's book is still relevant. See Combs-Schilling, M. Elaine. (1989), Sacred performances. Islam, sexuality and sacrifice, Columbia University Press (New York

Constitutional monarchy · Democracy · Hegemony · Monarchy · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Sociology · Subaltern · African Studies and Geopolitics · Law · Multiculturalism, Politics, Migration, Gender · Political and Social Issues

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