Class and Party

Secular Realignment and the Survival of Democrats outside the South

Bibliographic Data

ID6340508
AuthorsJeffrey M Stonecash (0000-0002-8196-4500), Mark D Brewer (0000-0001-6794-8507), R Eric Petersen (Syracuse University), Mary Pat Mcguire (0000-0002-1357-8798, Hobart and William Smith Colleges), Lori Beth Way (Chico State University)
Year2000
Volume53
Issue4
Pages731-752
Publication date2000-12-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessYes
TypeARTICLE
VenuePolitical Research Quarterly (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1065-9129 • E-ISSN: 1938-274X
PublisherSAGE Publications Inc (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1177/106591290005300403
OpenAlexW1970976976
LanguageEN
Citations received17
References cited49

A common conclusion is that beginning in the late 1960s the policy stands of Democrats on civil rights and civil liberties issues alienated the white working class. Race is presumed to have driven a wedge between the white and non-white working class, and diminished class voting in American politics. The New Deal coalition has eroded, the South has moved into the Republican column, and class conflict is presumed to have steadily declined since the 1950s. These arguments, however, leave us unable to explain how the Democratic party managed to survive for over forty years as the majority party in Congress, even while it was losing the South. The party survived by steadily increasing its support outside the South. The focus of this analysis is whom the Democrats attracted over time, and what the evidence indicates about the presumed alienation of the white, working class. The conventional wisdom is largely based on analyses that assess class voting using self-identified class. We argue that measure does not capture the economic situation of the respondent. This analysis relies on the relative income situation of voters, which reflects the relative level of resources people have to live their lives. The focus is the relationship between relative income position and support for the Democratic party among non-Southern whites from 1952-1996. The results indicate a steady increase in support for the Democratic party among the less affluent since the 1950s. Differences in voting by income position are not decreasing, but, in fact, have been increasing since the 1970s

Alienation · Ballot · Democracy · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Respondent · Sociology · Voting · White (mutation · Working class · Electoral Systems and Political Participation · Law · Social and Cultural Dynamics · Urban, Neighborhood, and Segregation Studies

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